The Keetoowah Society and the Avocation of Religious Nationalism in the Cherokee Nation, 1855-1867
 Chapter One Red, White, and Black in the Old South

In truth, sacred bonds between blacks and Native Americans, bonds of blood and metaphysical kinship, cannot be documented solely by factual evidence confirming extensive interaction and intermingling -- they are also matters of the heart. These ties are best addressed by those who are not simply concerned with the cold data of history, but who have "history written in the hearts of our people" who then feel for history, not just because it offers facts but because it awakens and sustains connections, renews and nourishes current relations. Before the that which is in our hearts can be spoken, remembered with passion and love, we must discuss the myriad ways white supremacy works to impose forgetfulness, creating estrangement between red and black peoples, who though different lived as One.
bell hooks
Black Looks: Race and Representation

The images that we have of the Southern history are forever shaped by the mythic: spanish moss clothed trees frame an ante-bellum plantation; stark images of black and white enveloped within a culture of racial polarization weave a narrative that has become our national image of the "Old South." Etchings burned so deep into our collective consciousness that they belie the very nature of the South itself, we are captivated by a false consciousness that disallows us from understanding the truly dynamic and complex nature of our own collective history. Even our understanding of nineteenth century and of the issues and individuals involved with the struggle for our national identity is so permeated with "myth-understanding" that it almost ceases to function in anything other than an ideological sense.

The truth is that seldom are things as simple as they appear. Though it is little acknowledged, the history of the South is permanently colored by miscegenation. The issue of miscegenation (or "mongrelization" as it often called) has served as the rallying cry for generations of racists and hatemongerers, but it is as pervasive a fact in Southern society as almost any other social phenomenon. As early as 1630, the Governor of Virginia ordered citizen Hugh Davis to be "soundly whipped before an assembly of Negroes and others for abusing himself to the dishonor of God and shame of a Christian by defiling his body in lying with a Negro, which he was to acknowledge next Sabbath day." [1] Finally outlawed in Virginia in 1691, miscegenation had become a critical issue in colonial society:

And for the prevention of that abominable mixture and spurious issue which hereafter may increase in this dominion, as well as by negroes, mulattoes, and Indians intermarrying with the English, or other white women, as by their unlawful accompanying with one another, Be it hereby enacted by the authorities aforesaid, and it is hereby enacted, That for the time to see, whatsoever English or other white man or woman being shall freely intermarry with a negro, mulatto, or Indian man or woman bond or free shall within three months after such marriage be banished and removed from this dominion forever, and that the justices of each respective countie within this dominion make it their particular care, that this act be put in effectual execution. [2]
If one looks closely at the statement above, we find that the colonial Virginia fathers were equally concerned about intermarriage or relationships with "Indians" or "mulattos" as they were with those between colonials and African Americans. The presence of Native Americans and those with mixed blood were of seeming importance at this point in American history; later historians were the write these individuals out of history in order to perpetuate the black and white "master-narrative" that became the linchpin of Southern history. The role of the Native Americans in ante-bellum society, the presence and contributions of Africans to Native American societies, the important story of Afro-Indians in the Old South, and the issues of Native American slavery have been relegated to the back pages of history.

In 1920, Carter G. Woodson observed that "one of the longest unwritten chapters of the history of the United States is that treating of the relations of the negroes and the Indians." [3] In nearly all discussions of Southern history, the presence of the multicultural nature of Southern society has been seldom explored. In the introduction to his chapter "The Indian and the Negro" in The Story of the Negro, Professor Booker T. Washington states, "The association of the negro with the Indian has been so intimate and varied on this continent, and the similarities as well as the differences of their fortunes and characters are so striking that I am tempted to enter at some length into a discussion of their relations of each to the other, and to the white man in this country." [4] The late William G. McLoughlin noted in his essay "Red, White, and Black in the ante-bellum South," that there is little discussion of the red, white and black because "two ideas at once are as much as the average American can hold in his head." [5] However, if we are to understand what happened to the Cherokee Nation in the years 1855-1867, we must explore the "red, white, and black" of the Old South.

Myth-understanding and Early America

There is little doubt that the first contact between Africans and Native Americans did not occur within the contexts of European colonial expansion in the early sixteenth century. Though most texts detailing red/black relations on the Southern frontier begin with Africans among the explorations of Spaniards De Allyon, De Leon, Cordoba, De Soto, and Narvaez, evidently contact was much older. It is an underappreciation of this often untold history of the deep relationship between Africans and Indians that lies at the root of modern misunderstanding of much of American history.

Long before Christopher Columbus, Africans had been using favorable sea currents and small boats to come to the Americas. One of the reasons that Columbus was sent on his return voyage was "a report of the Indians of this Espanola who said that there had come to Espanola from the south and south-east, a black people who have the tops of their spears made of a metal which they call `guanin' (gold)." [6] The North Equatorial Current runs from West Africa to the Caribbean Islands and Southeastern United States; Thor Heyerdahl, in his Kon Tiki and Ra expeditions, proved that even the smallest boats could make this passage. [7]

There is also ample evidence of pre-Columbian contact with Africans in a variety of settings in Mesoamerica. The African characteristics of Olmec sculptures, similarities between African pyramids and reed boats and their counterparts in Mesoamerica, and pictographic/linguistic similarities between Northern African and Muscogean cultures are all evidence of ancient contact. [8] Upon observing the Olmec sculptures in 1869, Dr. Jose Melgar y Serrana reported "As a work of art, it is without exaggeration a magnificent sculpture, but what astonished me was the Ethiopic type represented. I reflect that there had undoubtedly been Negroes in this country." [9]

Dr. Leo Wiener proposed that African traders from Guinea founded a colony near Mexico City from which they exerted a cultural and commercial influence extending north to Canada and south to Peru. He also suggests that Native American ancient cultures, including the Maya, Aztec, and Inca civilizations, were directly or indirectly of African origins. [10] Historians and scientists from Augustus Le Plongeon in the nineteenth century to Barry Fell in the latter half of the twentieth century have asserted African contact with ancient America. [11] Whatever the truth is, it is certain that it was along the coastal rim of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico where the early explorers encountered most African-Indians and tri-racial mixtures. [12]

Taking the African presence in ancient America seriously causes us to reframe our understanding of the relationship between African Americans and Native Americans in the Southeastern United States. What are the implications of this research for understanding Native American attitudes regarding race; moreover, what are the possibilities of African influence in the development of the temple mound culture in the Southeastern United States? Does this historic background explain the ease in which in which Africans learned to speak and translate indigenous languages and the ready assimilation of runaway slaves into Native American communities? It is not the purpose of this paper to fully explore the meaning of this critically underexplored phenomena, but to simply offer up the possibility of a thicker description of southeastern culture. [13]

Modern historians believe that the first Africans to be encountered by Native Americans were those who accompanied the early Spanish explorations of the Southeastern United States. Estavanico, "an Arabian black, native of Acamor," who accompanied Narvaez into Florida distinguished himself by his linguistic ability and "was in constant conversation" with the Indians. [14] In 1540, Hernando de Soto encountered the Cherokee and kidnapped the Lady of Cofitachequi, a prominent Cherokee leader. Escaping from De Soto, she returned home with an African slave belonging to one of De Soto's officers and "they lived together as man and wife." [15] Black slaves also played a critical role in Luis Vazquez de Ayllon's aborted colony in South Carolina; a slave revolt occurred in the colony and many of the African slaves fled to live among the Cherokee. [16]

It is important to understand the purpose of these early Spanish explorations in the Southeast. Ponce de Leon's 1512 patent from the Spanish authorities provided that any Indians that he might discover in the Americas should be divided among the members of his expedition that they should "derive whatever advantage might be secured thereby." [17] De Ayllon's 1523 cedula authorized him to "purchase prisoners of war held as slaves held by the natives, to employ them on his farms and export them as he saw fit, without the payment of any duty whatsoever upon them." [18]

When De Soto landed in Florida with his soldiers in 1539, he brought with him blood-hounds, chains, and iron collars for the acquisition and exportation of Indian slaves. Hundreds of men women and children were captured by de Soto and transported to the coasts for shipment to the Caribbean and to Spain. [19] A Cherokee from Oklahoma remembered his father's tale of the Spanish slave trade, "At an early state the Spanish engaged in the slave trade on this continent and in so doing kidnapped hundreds of thousands of the Indians from the Atlantic and Gulf Coasts to work their mines in the West Indies." [20]

Slavery as a phenomenon was not unknown to the Cherokee Nation or to Native Americans. However, it is distinctively different in both its content and its context as that which was practiced by the European. Rudi Halliburton in Red Over Black, his extensive work on slavery in the Cherokee Nation, concludes that "slavery, as an institution, did not exist among the Cherokees before the arrival or Europeans." [21] Booker T. Washington concurs, "The Indians who first met the white man on his continent do not seem to have held slaves until they first learned to do so from him." [22]

The Cherokee atsi nahtsa'i, or "one who is owned," were individuals captured or obtained through warfare with neighboring peoples and often given to clans who lost members in warfare. [23] To the extent that these individuals existed outside of the clan structure, they were in essence "outsiders" who lived on the periphery of Cherokee society. It was up to the clan-mothers, or "beloved women" of the Nation to decide upon the fate of these individuals. [24] If they accepted these "outsiders" as replacements for those individuals who had lost their lives in battle, these individuals became members of the clan and thus the nation. [25] If the "outsiders" were not accepted into the clan, then they served as the "other" in promoting clan self-understanding and solidarity. [26]

There was not a race-based understanding of "difference" within Native American cultures as that which had come to exist within the European mind over the hundred years following the discovery of the New World. Race as an identifying component in interaction did not exist within the traditional nations of the early Americas; into the nineteenth century the Cherokee were noted for their cultural accommodation. [27] William McLoughlin stressed the importance of clan relationships or larger collective identities (e.g., Ani-Yunwiya, Ani-Tsalagi, Ani-Kituhwagi) within indigenous nations as the critical components in their interactions with outsiders; race was not considered a critical element in perception or hostility. [28] In her pivotal work Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society 1540-1866, Theda Perdue states that the Cherokee regarded Africans they encountered "simply as other human beings," and, "since the concept of race did not exist among Indians and since the Cherokees nearly always encountered Africans in the company of Europeans, one supposes that the Cherokee equated the two and failed to distinguish sharply between the races." [29] Kenneth Wiggins Porter, an African American historian, concurs with this conclusion: [we have] "no evidence that the northern Indian made any distinction between Negro and white on the basis of skin color, at least, not in the early period and when uninfluenced by white settlers." [30]

However, racism and religious intolerance were critical components in the European dispossession and enslavement of Native Americans in the colonial period. Originating in the Aristotelian concept of natural rights, the concept of white supremacy as it developed in the sixteenth century ran along these lines:

Those, therefore, who are as much inferior to others as are the body to the soul and beasts to men, are by nature slaves. He is by nature born slave who...shares in reason to the extent of apprehending it without possessing it. [31]
Juan Gines De Sepulveda, in his disputation with Bartholomeo de las Casas in Vallodolid in 1555, argued the superiority of the Spaniard to the indigenous people:
In wisdom, skill, virtue and humanity, these people are as inferior to the Spaniards as children are to adults and women to men; there is a great a difference between savagery and forebearance, between violence and moderation, almost -- I am inclined to say -- as between monkeys and men. [32]
Las Casas, "Champion of the Indians," argued against this ideology by asserting:
Aristotle, farewell! From Christ, the eternal truth, we have the commandment `You must love your neighbor as yourself.' Although he was a profound philosopher, Aristotle was not worthy to be captured in the chase so that he could come to God through knowledge of true faith." [33]

...the natural rules and laws and rights of men are common to all nations, Christians and gentile, and whatever their sect, law, state, color, and condition, without and difference." [34]

Las Casas won the day in Valladolid, but the moral argument of Las Casas was soon swept aside by a European continent facing a vast world with countless treasures inhabited by a people who could, themselves, become a commodity in the open market. [35]

What was originally the "black legend" of Spanish ethnocentrism and genocidal cruelty spread quickly throughout Europe as political, economic, and religious sentiment fueled colonial expansion. [36] Though initially shocked by Sir John Hawkins' first slavery venture in 1562-1563, Queen Elizabeth quickly changed her mind, "not only did she forgive him but she became a shareholder in his second slaving voyage." [37] By the middle of the seventeenth century, the traffic in slaves from Europe, Africa, and the Americas became a mainstay of the colonial economic enterprise. Behind the mercantile enterprise was a moral sanction of a pervasive ideology:

No slaughter was impermissible, no lie dishonorable, no breach of trust shameful, if it advantaged the champions of true religion. In the gradual transitions from religious conceptions to racial conceptions, the gulf between persons calling themselves Christian and the other persons, whom they called heathens, translated smoothly into the chasm between whites and coloreds. The law of moral obligation sanctioned behavior on only one side of that chasm... the Christian Caucasians of Europe are not only holy and white but also civilized, while the pigmented heathens of distant lands are not only idolatrous and dark but savage. Thus the absolutes of predator and prey have been preserved, and the grandeur of invasion and massacre has kept its sanguinary radiance. [38]
The Birth of a Nation

With the founding of Charleston in April 1670, England entered into the commercial slave market in a manner that was to establish Charleston as the center of the slave trade for two centuries. From the very beginning of the colony in the late seventeenth century, the Carolinians cited Indian "savagery" and "depredations" as justification for "Indian wars" against the Yamasee, the Tuscarora, the Westo and eventually the Cherokee and the Creek. [39] The term "Indian war" was quite often simply a rhetorical exercise to cover not only the seizure of Native American land and crops, but also the enslavement of the indigenous peoples of the Americas. [40]

Charleston, and especially a group of men associated with an area north of Charleston known as the "Goose Creek men," became the center of this North American commercial slavery enterprise. Native American nations throughout the South were played one against the other in an orgy of slave dealing that decimated entire peoples; during the latter half of the seventeenth century, Carolina was more active than any other colony in the exportation of Indian slaves. [41] The Indian slave trade in the Carolinas, with Charleston as its center, rapidly took on all of the characteristics of the African slave trade. The Carolinians formed alliances with coastal native groups, armed them, and encouraged them to make war on weaker tribes deeper in the Carolina interior. [42]

By the late years of the seventeenth century, caravans of Indian slaves were making their way from the Carolina backcountry to forts on the coast just as they were doing on the African continent. Once in Charleston, the captives were loaded on ships for the "middle passage" to the West Indies or other colonies such as New Amsterdam or New England. [43] Many of the Indian slaves were kept at home and worked on the plantations of South Carolina; by 1708, the number of Indian slaves in the Carolinas was nearly half that of African slaves. [44]

The slave traders of the Carolinas engaged in successful slaving among the Westo, the Tuscarora, the Yamasee, and the Cherokee. Though history may record these encounters as "Indian wars," the "wars" were simply Native American responses to slaving operations of the English and their Shawnee allies. In three years of slaving operations against the Westo Indians, all but fifty of the Nation were reduced to slavery or killed. [45] The English and the Shawnee reached far out into the Spanish empire in the South; some 10,000 to 12,000 Timucuas, Guales, and Apalachees were taken to Charleston and sold into slavery and shipped throughout the vast English empire. When the Shawnees grew sick of their mercenary occupation and dissolved their trading partnership with the English, Governor John Archdale established a policy of "thinning the barbarous Indian natives." By 1710, the Shawnees had gone the way of the Westo. [46]

When the Tuscarora Indians of North Carolina rebelled against being driven from their land, they were met by a force of thirty English settlers and five hundred Yamasee warriors led by Colonel John Barnwell. After King Hancock of the Tuscarora signed a treaty, Barnwell and his men seized a number of them as slaves. The Tuscarora considered this a breach of the treaty and continued the war. In 1713, another group of settlers and one thousand Indian allies led by Colonel James Moore, veteran of the Shawnee slaving raids in Florida, routed the Tuscarora. The four hundred Tuscarora who survived the battle were sold into slavery at ten pounds sterling each to finance the campaign. [47]

In 1715, the Yamasee rebelled against British degradation, maltreatment, and exploitation. The English had begun to seize Yamasee women and children for the slave market in payment of debts that the Indians had assumed in their relationship with the English. William Anews, missionary to the Mohawks for the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, reported to his superiors that the English were "abusing the Indians with drink and then cheate them in Trading with them and Stealing Even their Children away and carry them off to other places and sell them for slaves." [48]

There is also evidence that the Yamasee had gotten a bit too friendly with Spanish missionaries in Florida. Charles Craven, Governor of South Carolina, organized the militia and set out against the Yamasee. Four hundred Yamasee were either killed or taken to Charleston to be sold into slavery. The Nation was almost exterminated; what survivors there were fled to Florida to live among the Spanish missionaries. [49]

As early as 1693, the Cherokee had become objects of the slave trade to the extent that a tribal delegation was sent to the Royal Governor of South Carolina to protect the Cherokee from Congaree, Catawba, and Savannah slave-catchers. [50] In 1705, the Cherokee accused the colonial governor of granting "commissions" to slave-catchers to "set upon, assault, kill, destroy, and take captive" Cherokee citizens to be "sold into slavery for his and their profit." [51] The Cherokee slave trade was so serious that it had, by this time, eclipsed the trade for furs and skins and become the primary source of commerce between the English and the people of South Carolina. [52]

In the early 1760's, the Cherokee Nation allied with the French against the British in the French and Indian War. The Cherokee did so in exchange for protection from their traditional enemies, the Iroquois and the Muskogee, as well as their new found enemy, the British colonials. North Carolina, in its provision for raising troops against the Cherokee, offered to anyone who took captive "an enemy Indian" the right to hold them as a slave. [53] The conflict lasted two years until an army of Carolina Rangers, British light infantry, and Royal Scots set out against the Cherokee. In a scorched earth policy through Cherokee territory, they decimated the people burning crops and towns. The Cherokee finally agreed to a peace pact that ceded the largest portion of their hereditary land to the English and established a line of separation between whites and Cherokee. [54]

With the arrival of twenty "negars" aboard a Dutch man-of-war in Virginia in 1619, the face of American slavery began to change from the "tawny" Indian to the "blackamoor" African over a period of some one hundred years between 1650 and 1750. [55] Though the issue is complex, the unsuitability of the Native American for the labor intensive agricultural practices, their susceptibility to European diseases, the proximity of avenues of escape for Native Americans, and the lucrative nature of the African slave trade led to a transition to an African based institution of slavery. [56] In spite of a later tendency in the Southern United States to differentiate the African slave from the Indian, African slavery was in actuality imposed on top of a preexisting system of Indian slavery. [57] In North America, the two never diverged as distinctive institutions. [58]

During this transitional period, Africans and Native Americans shared the common experience of enslavement. [59] In addition to working together in the fields, they lived together in communal living quarters, began to produce collective recipes for food and herbal remedies, shared myths and legends, and ultimately intermarried. The intermarriage of Africans and Native Americans was facilitated by the disproportionality of African male slaves to females (3 to 1) and the decimation of Native American males by disease, enslavement, and prolonged war against the colonists. [60]

During the intertribal wars encouraged by the English in order to produce slaves, the largest majority of those enslaved were women and children in accordance with historic patterns among Native Americans. [61] Therefore, the largest numbers of Native American slaves in the early Southeast were women. Slave owners often desired African men paired with Native American women to work the fields and to help around the house. John Norris, a South Carolina planter estimated the costs of setting up a plantation:

Imprimis; Fifteen good Negro Men at 45 lb each 675 lb.
Item: Fifteen Indian Women to work in the Field
at 18 lb each, comes to 270 lb.
Item, Three Indian Women as cooks for the Slaves
and other Household Business 55 lb. [62]
As Native American societies in the Southeast were primarily matrilineal, African males who married Native American women often became members of the wife's clan and citizens of the respective nation. As relationships grew, the lines of distinction began to blur and the evolution of red-black people began to pursue its own course; many of the people known as slaves, free people of color, Africans, or Indians were most often the product of integrating cultures. [63] Among the people of the Chickamagua region of the Cherokee Nation and those who spoke the Kituwhan dialect, there was a particular "ethnic openness." The people native to this region were "more receptive to racial diversity within their towns than the mainstream Cherokees." [64]

In areas such as Southeastern Virginia, The "Low Country" of the Carolinas, and around Galphintown [65] near Savannah, Georgia, communities of Afro-Indians began to arise. The term "mustee" came to distinguish between those who shared African and Native American ancestry from those who were a mixture of European and African. Even after 1720, black and red Carolinians continued to share slave quarters and intimate lives; many wills continued to refer to "all my Slaves, whether Negroes, Indians, Mustees, Or Molattoes." [66] The depth and complexity of this intermixture are revealed in a 1740 slave code in South Carolina that ruled that:

all negroes and Indians, (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, and mustezoes, who are now free, excepted) mulattoes or mustezoes who are now, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue and offspring...shall be and they are hereby declared to be, and remain hereafter absolute slaves. [67]
Increasingly toward the end of the century, Africans began to flee slavery in larger numbers to settle among the Indians in their immediate vicinity and in so doing became mediums of exchange for the dominant culture. At the same time, Africans who had absorbed Native American languages and culture brought them to Europeans. Apart from their collective exploitation at the hands of colonial slavery, Africans and Native Americans possessed similar worldviews rooted in their historic relationship to the subtropical coastlands of the middle Atlantic. [68] Considering historic circumstances, environmental associations, and metaphysical affiliations, the relationships among African Americans and Native Americans was much more extensive and enduring than most colonial or contemporary observers acknowledged.

In the middle to latter part of the eighteenth century, white colonists began to recognize that, especially in areas such as South Carolina and Georgia where Africans and Indians outnumbered whites 4 to 1, a great need existed "to make Indians & Negro's a checque upon each other least by their Vastly Superior Numbers, we should be crushed by one or the other." [69] In 1775, John Stuart, a senior British official, complained "nothing can be more alarming to the Carolinians then the idea of an attack from Indians and Negroes;" he further believed that "any intercourse between Indians and Negroes in my opinion ought to be prevented as much as possible." [70] William Willis, in his "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast," believed that one of the main reasons that Indian slavery was curtailed in the colonies was related to white fears of an alliance between Native Americans and African immigrants. [71]

The colonists' fears were not without basis; Native Americans and Africans had begun to form alliances and pathways to Native America were followed by African runaways. [72] Nearby maroon communities, as well as Indians and Blacks from Spanish territory, harassed isolated settlers; the threat of violence became real as slave revolts spread throughout the Carolina frontier. [73] Though the Stono rebellion of 1739 is described as a "slave revolt," there is little doubt that many of those enslaved at Stono were Native Americans; the very name Stono itself comes from a Native American nation enslaved by the Carolinians. [74]

A 1759 insurrection plot, which included which included the Cherokee and Creek, was inspired by Philip Johns, a free mulatto, who carried a peculiar note:

a written paper and charged them to carry it to all Negroes and show it to them...[which said] that the 17th day of June was fixed upon for killing the Buckraas, but afterwards told him that it was agreed to wait til the corn was turn'd down and the Indians were then to be sent to and they would come and assist in killing all Buckraas [75]
In 1768, a revolt occurred near Charleston led by "a numerous collection of outcast mulattoes, mustees, and free negroes." [76]

Various mechanisms began to be developed throughout the colonies that served to differentiate between African and Native Americans. Thomas Jefferson articulated this difference in his Notes on the State of Virginia when he said that the Indian was a "noble savage" that "civilization" might save, but that the African was an inferior creature being suitable only for service. [77] South Carolina Governor James Glen believed that white security depended upon creating hatred between the races, as "it has always been the policy of this govert to creat an aversion in them [Indians] to Negroes." [78] By 1721, most Native Americans were prohibited from entry into English settlements; within the next ten years persons taking Africans into Native American territory were fined the sum of one hundred pounds. [79]

The colonies passed miscegenation laws that forbade the intermarriage of people from different races such as the one from Virginia listed above. A similar law from North Carolina bade that anyone who married with "an Indian, Negro, mustee, or mulatto man or woman, or any person of mixed blood, to the third generation" be fined fifty pounds. [80] Slave codes began to distinguish among the people; from North Carolina came the curious language of "free persons of color" that arose to define a whole class of people who lay on the periphery of the racial constructs of early America. [81]

The colonists used African slaves against "indian uprisings" and they served extensively with the South Carolinians in their wars with the Yamasee, the Spanish in Florida, and the Cherokee. [82] Native Americans agents quelled slave revolts such as the Stono, and the Carolinians offered bounties to Native Americans for catching and returning runaway slaves. [83] The policy of fostering hatred among the races became an enduring element in the relationships among the varied peoples of the South; it was codified by the Virginia Supreme Court in 1814 when it made provisions related to the natural rights of white persons and Native Americans, "but entirely disapproving, thereof, so far as the same relates to native Africans and their descendants." [84]

The line was drawn in the sand. Native Americans came to understand that there was, indeed, a profound chasm between themselves and the Europeans who had come to live among them. They also came to understand that the European not only saw himself as different from the Native American, but distinctively different from the African that they had brought with them and placed in servitude. Being themselves enslaved and then seeing others enslaved, the Cherokee Nation came to understand the concept of "natural rights" as it extended to all people of color:

Let us examine the facts of your present eruption into our country, and we shall discover your pretentions on that ground. What did you do? You marched into our killed a few scattered and defenseless individuals, spread fire and desolation whereever you pleased and returned again to your own habitations... Again, were we to inquire by what law or authority you set up your claim, I answer, none!Your laws extend not into our country, nor ever did. You talk of the law of nature and the law of nations and they are both against you.

Indeed, much has been advanced on what you term civilization among the Indians; and many proposals have been made to make us adopt your laws, your religion, your manners and your customs. But, we confess that we do not yet see the propriety, or practicability, of such a reformation, and should be better pleased with beholding the good effects of these doctrines in your own practices than with hearing you talk about them...The great God of Nature has placed us in different situations. It is true that he has endowed you with many superior advantages; but he has not created us to be your slaves. [85]

The First Awakening

John Marrant, a free African minister, was the first Protestant missionary to the Cherokee Nation. Marrant was converted by the preaching of George Whitefield in Charleston in 1769 and dedicated his life to the study of the gospel and to the Christian mission. After his family rejected his Christian mission to them "as to threaten my life," [86] Marrant fled to the woods of South Carolina and eventually ended up with a Cherokee hunter. Learning to speak the Cherokee language, Marrant adopted many of the social and cultural patterns of the Cherokee.

When he was captured by a larger group of Cherokee and threatened with death by the Cherokee king, he witnessed to the Cherokee in their native tongue:

I cried again, and He was entreated. He said, "Be it as thou wilt;" the Lord appeared most lovely and glorious; the king himself was awakened, and the others set at liberty. A great change took place among the people; the King's house became God's house; the soldiers were ordered away; and the poor condemned prisoner had perfect liberty and was treated like a prince. Now the Lord made all my enemies become my great friends. [87]
After remaining with the Cherokee for two months, Marrant set about upon a mission to the Creek (five weeks), Catawar, and Housaw (seven weeks). He did not find these missions to be successful, so he returned to the Cherokee for another two months. [88] After spending such time in his mission to the Native Americans, Marrant returned to his family who took him for a savage and did not recognize him. [89]

Marrant's "captivity narrative" became one of the most popular of its genre in the post-Revolutionary period and provides a critical reflection on race and religion in colonial America. The story of his life among the Cherokee is proved to be one of the enduring stories of colonial history and a critical text in African American literature. [90] Marrant went on to be ordained by Reverend Lemuel Haynes, a prominent member of the African American community. He served in the Revolutionary War [91] and became the Chaplain of Prince Hall Grand Lodge Free and Accepted Masons in Boston.

Prince Hall Freemasonry is one of the fundamental independent Black institutions in the United States and has proven to be the training grounds of a huge cadre of African American leaders. The organization was founded in 1775 by Prince Hall, a former slave and "person of color" from Barbados, who believed that all possessed "a natural and unalienable right to that freedom that the great Parent of the Universe hath bestowed equally on all mankind." [92] Toward that end, Hall petitioned the government of Massachusetts for the abolition of slavery in 1777; the slave trade was abolished in Boston in 1788 due to the work of an interracial group led by Prince Hall.

In 1782, Hall petitioned the Massachusetts legislature to establish an African colony that was to become the modern African state of Liberia. Hall again petitioned the legislature for the education of colored children and founded such a school in 1796. In the same year he founded the African Benevolent Society to help "persons of color" to become worthy, self-supporting citizens. [93] However, it was to be Free African Lodge #459 (formally organized in 1787) which was to be the focal point of a struggle for civil rights that continues to this day. [94]

Early members of Prince Hall were ministers Jupiter Hammon, Richard Allen and Absolum Jones, the latter being founders of the Free African Society and leaders of the independent black church movement. Members of Free African Lodge #459 of Prince Hall Freemasonry formed a part of the funeral procession of President George Washington, one of the most famous of Masonic presidents. [95] The alliance between Prince Hall Freemasonry and African-American church life is a critical but often unexplored factor in the African American religious experience. [96] The fascinating struggle for recognition and dignity of African Americans within Freemasonry parallels that of the larger struggle for human rights that has occurred within the political and social systems within the United States. [97]

The Massachusetts Bay Colony in those early days resembled Charleston in many ways and the connections between Massachusetts and South Carolina are more than just spurious. Many of the Native Americans enslaved in the lower colonies were shipped to New England; Native Americans enslaved following King Philip's war were shipped South to the Carolinas and to the Islands. There were so many Southern slaves imported into the colony that, in 1712, the colony passed a law prohibiting the importation of Indian slaves; [98] the system in Massachusetts in 1765 closely resembled that in South Carolina a generation earlier. The Native American women were kept in the colony and male African slaves imported to assume the harder tasks of field work.

Many slaves very early learned to take refuge among Native Americans and many of the Native American communities had strong African American components. [99] Though we have come to understand that there were "red puritans" in New England, we have to understand that not only were there were also black ones but also "black Indians." [100] Just as there were slave revolts in the Southern colonies, Blacks and Indians in Massachusetts also conspired together and committed numerous "depredations" against their white puritan brothers. [101]

Prince Hall, being a "free person of color," could not have failed to be aware of the ramifications of slavery not just upon persons of African descent but upon all those enslaved including Indians. Phyllis Wheatley, a contemporary of Marrant and Hall, corresponded with Native American minister Samsom Occom on the subject of the "Love of Freedom," "the glorious dispensation of civil and religious Liberty, which are so inseparably united, that there is little or no Enjoyment of one without the other." [102] The American struggle for liberty that began in the meeting places, churches, and lodges of New England in the wake of the First Great Awakening was not soon forgotten. The role of religious figures, as well as that of Freemasons, in the struggle against the institution of slavery would carry forward into the next century where it would lead to a dramatic confrontation over the issue.

Civilization and Its Discontents

Marrant's missionary work among the Cherokee and his efforts among them, as opposed to the "less savingly wrought upon" nations farther in the interior, proved that the Cherokee were to hold a special place in the heart of the European colonist. The popularity of Marrant's "captivity narrative" in the post-Revolutionary era made the Cherokee accessible and showed the possibilities that such a people might be brought to the forefront of civilization. The Cherokee were thus singled out for "civilization" and "salvation" in a manner unlike any other indigenous people in the Americas; the costs of such a special place in the American's hearts were to be quite dear for the Cherokee Nation.

When many of the Native American nations such as the Cherokee aligned themselves with the British during the Revolutionary War, it provided an even further rationale for the dispossession and dislocation of the indigenous nations. Following the Revolutionary War, and with the settlement of hostilities with the Cherokee Nation at the end of the eighteenth century, the newly established government inaugurated its "program to promote civilization among the friendly Indian tribes" which "furnished them with useful domestic animals, and implements of husbandry." [103] A critical element in the civilization program was the shift from a subsistence based agricultural system to a plantation based labor intensive farming system.

Cherokee society at the time of European contact bore a striking similarity to that of the Iroquoian society further north with respect to agricultural practices and gender-based roles within society. The world divided into the complimentary roles of forest and clearing. The former became the domain of men as hunters and warriors; the latter was the domain of women as farmers and clan matrons. [104] Cherokee society was matrilineal and matrilocal; women held the property including the dwelling and the garden and maintained the economic system rooted in non-invasive agriculture. [105] There were communal fields and clan gardens that worked with a hoe and dibble stick; surplus grain and vegetables were stored in a communal reserve from which all could draw when needed and in private granaries. The Cherokee forsook the plow until the nineteenth century because they believed that it would lead to a technological unemployment and starvation for those unable to compete in a market economy. [106]

In the latter half of the eighteenth century, most Americans believed that the conquered nations of the Southeast had little choice but to give up the vast tracts of lands they claimed to possess and settle on the security of small farms and a settled agricultural lifestyle. The federal government under the auspices of Secretary of War Henry Knox (a Freemason) set about a policy designed to make farmers of the former woodsmen and assimilate them into white society. [107] The Treaty of Holston, signed July 2, 1791, stated:

That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to become herdsman and cultivators, instead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish gratuitously the said nation with the implements of husbandry. [108]
However, this dramatic shift in the culture of the peoples of the Southeast could not be accommodated without first altering the entire social, political, and religious structures of traditional societies. [109] Toward this end, the missionaries of the Christian churches proved quite effective.

From the very beginning of United State's policy toward the Indians, missionaries (often acting as government agents) were to play a critical role in the civilization/christianization of the Cherokee Nation of the Southeastern United States. The Indian policy of George Washington, a prominent American Freemason, stated that "missionaries of excellent moral character should be appointed to reside in their nation who should be well supplied with all the implements of husbandry and the necessary stock for a model farm." [110] It went further: "It is particularly important that something of this nature should be attempted with the Southern nations of Indians, whose confined situation might render them proper subjects for the experiment." [111] Thomas Jefferson increased the investment of the federal government in Indian agriculture believing that farmers could become good Christians, while hunters were "unfavorable to the regular exercise of some duties essential to the Christian character." [112]

The missionaries and government agents, believing that a stable society promoted both a self-sustaining church and orderly civil government, introduced white agricultural practices to the Indians by giving plows, livestock, and gristmills to the men and cloth and spinning tools to the women. For many of the Cherokee who had been slaves on colonial plantations and introduced to European agricultural methods through this practice, the transition was not difficult. [113] The missionaries also provided agricultural instruction to the men and homemaking skills to the women; the children were encouraged and educated by the missionaries to assume gender roles complementary to white society. [114]

With the establishment of the first model farms and missions among the Five Civilized Tribes of the Southeastern United States, a key tool used in this civilization process was the implementation of African slaves as laborers in the building and operation of the model farms and missions. [115] The missionaries, however, saw the issue of slavery as a political one and not a question to which they were bound to respond to religiously. Besides, as the missionaries were quick to point out, it was not their fault:

Some have supposed that it had its origin among the Cherokees no farther back than the Revolutionary War; when a large number of tories, holding slaves, fled from the Southern States, and took refuge among this people...And it is not unlikely that the evil began with white men, who settled in the nation, and married Cherokee women... All accounts agree, however, that it was introduced by white men. [116]
The first missionaries among the Cherokee were the Moravians Abraham Steiner and Frederick C. De Schweinitz. In an earlier visit to the Cherokee, they were pleased to see "negro slaves that were well clothed; bright, lovely and appeared to be happy and well cared for." [117] The Moravians used slave labor "leased" from James Vann, a wealthy mixed blood trader, to build their mission. [118] The mission to the Cherokee was not successful because the Moravians could not speak Cherokee. They attracted largely the black members of the Nation who were bilingual. However, because the Moravians did not consider the Africans to be worthy of church admission, they offered them "special seats" at communion and gave them the cup "last of all." [119] In ignoring the historic cultural relationship between the Africans and the Cherokees, the missionaries tossed away their greatest opportunity for transmitting their message to a larger Cherokee audience and doomed their missions to failure.

With the founding of the American Board for Foreign and Christian Missions in 1810, Henry Knox's vision from a generation earlier finally had the instrument to achieve its goals in President James Madison's "Civilization Fund." [120] In 1817, the American Board sent Cyrus Kingsbury to begin a system of missions among the Cherokee. With the encouragement of a young Cherokee named John Ross and a Tennessee friend of the Cherokee, General Andrew Jackson, [121] he was able to secure permission from the Cherokee Council and built Brainerd Mission in Tennessee and Eliot Mission in Georgia.

Andrew Jackson's 1818 dictate, "put into their children the primer and the hoe, and they will naturally, in time, take hold of the plow; and, as their minds become enlightened and expand, the Bible will be their book, and they will grow in habits of morality and industry," [122] was slowly coming into fruition. By 1820, the missions among the Five Nations were among the most successful in the country; conversions were numerous and the Southeastern Nations themselves were considered to be Christian. [123] Many of the members of the finest of Cherokee families such as the Ridges, the Boudinots, and the Waties were educated in the missions in the South as well as at Cornwall, Connecticut. [124]

Farms grew into plantations and buildings grew into towns. As the program of civilization pursued its goals, slavery spread among the nations of the Southeast. Individuals who held positions of power and land began to grow wealthy and to buy black slaves to extend their fields and tend to their livestock. Intermarriage among the Nations and the whites who served among them increased; mixed-blood natives who spoke English began to adopt the social and cultural patterns of the missionaries and white farmers who surrounded them. [125] Gradually the Southeastern Nations developed an landed elite and a small group of shopkeepers and entrepreneurs formed a bourgeois element who became dominant in national affairs. It was among this group of the rich and powerful, the assimilated peoples of the Five Nations, that slavery became most accepted. [126] Among the people, William Bartram noted their progress towards civilization, " If adopting and imitating the manners and customs of white people is to be termed civilization, perhaps the Cherokees have made the greatest advance." [127]

The missionaries did not, themselves, own slaves except "with a view towards emancipation" and only used slaves rented or borrowed from Native American slave owners. However, they were reticent to preach against the evil of slavery among their practitioners in the Five Nations. [128] The missionaries were not averse to preaching to the African slaves who were among their most eager and willing converts and often translated the gospel to the Cherokee. [129] However, the missionaries kept their teachings within a tight boundary of accepted teaching on the issue of slavery: Titus 2:9-10; 1st Timothy 6:1-5; Ephesians 6:5-9; Colossians 3:22-24; and 1st Peter 2:17-20. [130] In order to accommodate slavery, the missionaries began to teach an interesting message concerning the origins of humanity that began to influence Cherokee mythology. A new creation myth arose among the Cherokee that spoke of a common origin but a specific curse upon the black race, which meant "that the negro must work for the red and white man, and it has been so ever since." [131]

Most missionaries believed that the most important goal was to first convert the heathen, then attempt to deal with the "sin" of slavery. [132] Many of their most ardent supporters were slave owners and they knew that the local governments and federal agents would oppose them should they choose to espouse the cause of abolition. In fact, some government agents attributed the progress made by the Five Civilized Tribes to the growth of the practice of slavery among them; one such agent stated, "I am clearly of the opinion that the rapid advancement of the Cherokees is owing in part to the fact of their being slave holders." [133]

In addition, their governing boards in the North did not want to jeopardize contributions from wealthy persons who disliked abolition. [134] Selah B. Treat appealed to the Northern board to understand the Southern predicament in his Report to the Commissioners of the American Board for Foreign and Christian Missions:

In defence of their policy in this respect, past and present, they make their appeal, first of all, to the Bible, as showing the only condition of church membership. This, they say, is evidence of a change of heart; and when such evidence is furnished, there is no law for excluding the candidate from the privileges of Christ's house. They also say, that the adoption of a different rule in regard to slaveholders would have been fatal to the prosperity of the mission. And they are confident, should they now determine to subject this portion of the community to a new test, that their usefulness would at once come to an end. [135]
The missionaries, and especially those of the American Board, established a basic position of neutrality and as the Bible did not explicitly condemn slavery, they accepted "all to our communion who give evidence that they love the Lord Jesus Christ." [136]

However, several dynamic phenomena were to draw many of the missionaries away from their positions of neutrality and cast the Five Civilized Tribes into a cauldron that would have devastating effects upon the Southeastern Nations for the next hundred years. The first was a decisive split that occurred within the Nations as to those who pursued the path of assimilation, commonly referred to as "progressives," and those who clung to traditional religious, social, and political values, i.e., the "conservatives." [137] Especially in the light of a pan-Indian religious awakening inspired by Tecumseh, a Freemason, [138] and his brother Tenskwatawa that spread among the nations in the East in the early nineteenth century, many of the full blooded members of the Southeastern Nations rebelled against assimilation by reasserting the traditional methods of living. [139] This left little room for colonial institutions, including slavery, among large populations of the of full-blooded members of the Southeastern Nations who did not adopt plantation agriculture and mercantile capitalism.

In addition, there were splits among the various nations according to the level of assimilation to white population, adoption of European culture, and intermarriage among Europeans and the peoples of the First Nations. Even within the so-called Five Civilized Tribes, Nations such as the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and especially the Cherokee intermarried with the white missionaries, government agents, and local settlers while the Muscogean people of the deep South did not. A joke developed among the Southeastern nations that highlighted the dominant facet of this cultural interaction: "A Creek said to a Cherokee...`You Cherokees are so mixed with whites we cannot tell you from the whites.' The Cherokee...replied: `You Creeks are so mixed with the Negroes we cannot tell you from the Negroes.' " [140]

From the earliest periods of the institution of slavery and well into the nineteenth century, African slaves had been fleeing slavery and repression along the same routes that their native forebears had used in earlier times. [141] As historian and Member of Congress Joshua Giddings described it a hundred years later, it was rite of passage:

The efforts of the Carolinians to enslave the Indians, brought with them the natural and appropriate penalties. The Indians began to make their escape from slavery to the Indian Country. Their example was soon followed by the African Slaves, who also fled to the Indian Country, and, in order to secure themselves from pursuit continued their journey. [142]
As a result of intermarriage between Africans and Indians during their collective enslavement, many Native American escapees would return to their former plantations to free their spouses and children still held in captivity. As Michael Roethler puts it in his essay Negro Slavery Among the Cherokee Indians 1540-1866, the Cherokee considered it "just retribution" that they who had been enslaved helped those enslaved to flee their persecutors in the Carolinas. [143]

The Muskogee, and especially the Seminoles (a corruption of the Spanish word cimarron meaning runaway or maroon) [144] of Florida, accepted these African American runaways and incorporated them into their nations because the Africans were well-skilled in languages, agriculture, technical skills, and warfare. [145] Just as the "underground railroad" provided freedom in the North in later years, this underground railroad ran to the South and "freedom on the border" as historian Kevin Mulroy phrases it in his 1993 work on the Seminole Maroons in Florida. [146]

The Muskogees and the Seminoles granted the Africans much greater freedom, even when they were referred to as "slaves." [147] Africans among the Muskogees could own property, travel freely from town to town, and marry into the family of their "owner." Often, the children of a Muskogee's African American slaves were free, and often African American Muskogees became traditional leaders among the people or even a chief. [148] Among the Seminoles, there was even greater freedom. The blacks lived set apart to themselves, managing their own stocks and crops, paying only tributes to their "owners." The Africans could own property, moved about with freedom, and allowed to arm themselves. [149] According to contemporary sources, the Seminoles "would almost sooner sell his child as his slave," [150] and that "there exists a law among Seminoles, forbidding individuals from selling their negroes to white people." [151]

The Africans were more than just the laborers and technicians for the Muskogee and Seminole; they became their diplomats, their warriors, and interestingly enough, some became their religious leaders. A prophetic Christianity had spread among African Americans, witnessed by Francis LeJau as early as 1710, [152] in areas such as Goose Creek and Silver Bluff, South Carolina. In these areas as in many areas throughout the South, the Creeks were continually exposed to an apocalyptic religious tradition that promoted resistance to white oppression. [153] On the frontier, there were constant rumblings of insurrections by black Christians and blacks and Indians coming up from Florida to attack planters, "to rob and plunder us," and to capture (rescue) enslaved Africans. [154] Calvin Martin, in his work Sacred Revolt, posits that African American prophetic Christianity may have contributed to the emergence of the "Redstick" prophetic movement among the Creeks in the early nineteenth century, "for at the heart of African American Christianity was a spiritually inspired critical view of Anglo-American civilization." [155]

One such religious leader in the "Redstick" rebellion was the "Prophet Abraham" (Souanakke Tustenukke), a West African slave who had fled south to Florida. He served as both war leader and interpreter for the maroon community at Fort Negro, Florida. Throughout the Southeastern United States, there existed independent as well as integrated Afro-Indian communities led by African and mixed-blood religio/political leaders such as Asi Yahola (Osceola), Black Factor, Luis Pacheco, Mulatto King, and Chief Wildcat. [156] Kenneth Wiggins Porter described the presence of Africans in Florida:

But not only were there chiefs of mixed Indian and Negro Blood among the Seminoles, and free negroes acting as principal counselors and war-captains, but...the position of the very slaves was so influential that the Seminole nation might present to students of political science an interesting and perhaps almost unique example of a very close approach to a doulocracy, or government by slaves. [157]
The presence of such refuges and spiritual centers so close to colonial plantations, especially in the light of slave rebellions in Haiti and the colonies, proved to be a great threat to the institution of slavery. [158] General Andrew Jackson, believing the settlements to be established by "villains for the purpose of rapine and plunder," attempted to destroy them in the First and Second Creek War. As Congressman Joshua Giddings noted, there was but one effort in Jackson's war, "the bloody Seminole War (sic) of 1816-17 and 18 arose from the efforts of our government to sustain the interests of slavery, or that our troops were employed to murder women and children because their ancestors had once been held bondage, and to seize and carry back to toil and suffering those who had escaped death." [159] Those "stolen negroes," not killed or returned to the English colonies, fled deeper into the South. [160]

It is important to note at this point that Africans and mixed bloods were not just religious leaders among the "exile" communities of Muskogees and Seminoles, the same also existed within the communities of the more "civilized" nations of the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw. Most of the early records of the missionaries note that among their earliest converts were the enslaved African Americans that existed in Native American communities. [161] Among the most successful of the early missions to the South was that of Reverend Samuel Thomas of Goose Creek Parish of South Carolina, whose twenty black interpreters helped him with his church of nearly one thousand communicants. [162]

Records from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in South Carolina repeatedly mention the membership of their early missions and churches as being equally mixed with "negro and indian slaves." The records also state that the S.P.G. had no qualms about baptizing "the heathen slaves also (Indians and negroes)." [163] However, many of their owners had some problems with that thought:

If the masters were but good Christians themselves and would concure with the Ministers, we should have good hopes of the conversion and salvation at least of some of their Negro and Indian slaves. But too many of them rather oppose than concurr with us and are angry with us. [164]
Even as late as 1818, the missionaries referred to their "Sabbath schools" as "our Black Schools," because of the presence of Africans as both students and teachers. [165] As few missionaries spoke the native languages, the Africans played an intermediary role as teacher and (of necessity) preacher. [166] Many of the earliest black ministers in the missions of the Baptist Church were former river-cult priests sold into slavery in great numbers; [167] it is important to note that the river-cult and ritual bathing were important components in traditional Cherokee religion. [168]

One of the most fascinating accounts of the presence of the African presence in the early Native American church comes from Cornelia Pelham, an 1821 visitor to a mission in the Choctaw nation:

About two thirds of the members of the church are of African descent; these mostly understand English; and on that account are more accessible than the Chickasaws. The last mentioned class manifest an increasing attention to the means of grace, and since the commencement of the present k,year, more of the full Indians have been constant in their attendance upon religious meetings, than at any time since the mission was established. The black people manifest the most ardent desire for religious instruction, and often travel a great many miles to obtain it...Two or three years ago, a black man who belonged to the mission church, opened his little cabin for prayer, on the evening of every Wednesday, which was usually attended by half a dozen colored persons. This spring, the number suddenly increased, till more than fifty assembled at once, many of whom were full Indians. The meetings, were conducted wholly by Christian slaves, in the Chickasaw language. One of their number can read fluently in the Bible, and many of the others can sing hymns which they have committed to memory from hearing them sung and recited. [169]
In August 1818, a fullblood Cherokee seeking dmission to the Chickamauga mission was found "able to spell correctly in words of 4 & 5 letters. He had been taught solely by black people who had received their instruction in our Sunday School." [170]

Within the cultural nexus of the integrated community of the early American frontier, a unique synthesis grew in which African and Native American people shared a common religious experience. [171] Not only did Africans share with Native Americans, the process of sharing cultural traditions went both ways. From the slave narratives, we learn of the role that Native American religious traditions played in African American society:

Dat busk was justa little busk. Dey wasn't enough men around to have a good one. But I seen lots of big ones. Ones where dey all had de different kinds of "banga." Dey call all de dances some kind of banga. De chicken dance is de "Tolosabanga", and de Istifanibanga is de one whar dey make lak dey is skeletons and raw heads coming to git you. De "Hadjobanga" is de crazy dance, and dat is a funny one. Dey all dance crazy and make up funny songs to go wid de dance. Everybody think up funny songs to sing and everybody whoop and laugh all de time. [172]

When I wuz a boy, dere wuz lotsa Indians livin' about six miles frum the plantation on which I wuz a slave. De Indians allus held a big dance ever' few months, an' all de niggers would try to attend. On one ob dese ostent'tious occasions about 50 of us niggers conceived de idea of goin', without gettin permits frum de master. As soon as it gets dark, we quietly slips outen de quarters, one by one, so as not to disturb de guards. Arrivin at de dance, we jined in the festivities wid a will. Late dat nite one ob de boys wuz goin down to de spring fo de get a drink ob water when he notice somethin' movin in de bushes. Gettin up closah, he look' agin when-lawd hab mersy! Patty rollers! [173]

I was an Indian doctor when I was grown and when an Indian would get sick he would send for me. I would always go and see the sick Indian, if this sick Indian as a real sick fellow. The Choctaw tribe in those days called their sick spells after some of the animals that roamed the woods and some of the fowls. [174]

Slaves "mixed and mingled and danced together with the Indians. The indigenous people of the Five Nations welcomed new dances including those from their African counterparts. [175] Sacred bonds of blood and metaphysical kinship came to exist between the two peoples and the "history written in the hearts of our people" became manifest. [176]

Native Americans also played roles in the development of the African churches through supporting the "invisible institution." The "hush harbors" or brush arbors, which were hastily constructed "churches" made of a lean-to of tree limbs and branches, had been a prominent part of the Southeastern traditional religion. The brush arbor architecture that became a critical part of the "camp-meetings" of the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening was borrowed from the architecture of the "stomp ground" of Southeastern traditional religious practices. Native Americans often supported the "invisible institution:"

Master Frank wasn't no Christian but he would help build brush arbors fer us to have church under and we sho would have big meetings I'll tell you. One day Master Frank was going through the woods close to where niggers was having church. All of a sudden he started running and beating hisself and hollering and the niggers all went to shouting and saying "Thank the Lawd, Master Frank ha done come through!" Master Frank after a minute say,"Yea, through the worst of 'em." He had run into a yellow jacket's nest. [177]
Interestingly enough, the first "Negro Baptist Church" was established in what was colloquially known as "Galphintown" near Silver Bluff, South Carolina. This place was at the beginning of the nineteenth century a center for trade with the Five Nations. [178] George Galphin, the owner of the settlement, was a gregarious Irishman who had at least four wives including Metawney, the daughter of a Creek headman and two Africans, the "Negro Sappho" and the "Negro Mina." [179] The area around the "Negro Baptist Church" was a region in the eighteenth century where the three races converged; members of Galphin's family were patrons of the Negro Baptist Church at Silver Bluff. [180] Jesse (Peter) Galphin was one of the founders of the Silver Bluff Baptist Church and revived the church following the Revolutionary War. [181]

When the Revolutionary War threatened the congregation of the isolated Negro Baptist Church in Silver Bluff, David George, the pastor, and fifty members of the congregation fled to Savannah. David George, a slave of George Galphin, was acquired from the Creek Nation to whom he had fled following brutal treatment by a white slave owner in Nottoway, Virginia. [182] According to Michel Sobel, David George had lived among the Creek and Natchez people as a "well-treated chattel servant" for many years. [183] In 1782 when the British abandoned Savannah, David George fled to Nova Scotia, Canada. [184] George finally settled in Sierra Leone in West Africa as part of Granville Sharp's recolonization movement. [185]

Among the first ministers of the First African Baptist Church of Savannah was a former slave by the name of Henry Francis, a minister ordained by the Silver Bluff Baptist Church. Though a slave and considered a "black pastor" [186] of the Third African Baptist Church, Henry Francis had no known African ancestry. [187] Andrew Bryan, pioneer Black Baptist, spoke of the importance of this "black pastor" in a letter to authorities in 1800:

Another dispensation of Providence has much strengthened our hands, and increased our means of information; Henry Francis, lately a slave to the widow of the late Colonel Leroy Hammond, of Augusta, has been purchased by a few humane gentlemen of this place, and liberated to exercise the handsome ministerial gifts he possesses amongst us, and teach our youth to read and write. He is a strong man about forty-nine years of age, whose mother was white and whose father was an Indian. His wife and only son are slaves. Brother Francis has been in the ministry fifteen years, and will soon receive ordination, and will probably become the pastor of a branch of my large will take the rank and title of the 3rd Baptist Church of Savannah. [188]
A "close neighborly feeling" [189] existed between the Indigenous peoples of the South and the African freed persons, slaves, and mixed-blood citizens within their midst. Even as slave owners, the Native Americans were particularly noted for their kindness and refusal to implement even their own national laws with respect to slavery. [190] According to one Southern visitor to the Nation, "The Indian masters treated their slaves with great liberality and upon terms approaching perfect equality, with the exception that the owner of the slave generally does more work than the slave himself." [191] Among the nations of the Southeastern Indians, the slaves themselves noted the differences:
We all live around on them little farms, and we didn't have to be under any overseer like the Cherokee Negroes had lots of times. We didn't have to work if there wasn't no work to do...Old Chief (Rolley MacIntosh) treated all the Negroes like they was just hired hands, and I was a big girl before I knowed very much about belonging to him. [192]
Even within a particular Nation, there was great variation; New Thompson noted that among the Cherokee, "the only negroes that have to work hard were the ones who belonged to the half-breeds. As the Indian didn't do work he didn't expect his slaves to do much work." [193] Within the conservative elements of the Five Nations, more than just a "close neighborly feeling" existed. Cudjo, the slave of Chief Yonaguska [194] of North Carolina, described their relationship: "He never allowed himself to be called `master,' for he said Cudjo was his brother, and not his slave." [195]

In 1821, the Baptist minister Evan Jones came to work as a missionary among the full bloods in the valley towns of Western North Carolina and Eastern Tennessee. [196] Jones and his family began their mission work with Baptist missionary Humphrey Posey in the mountainous Valley Towns near the Hiwassee River in Western North Carolina. Among these conservative full-blood Cherokee, the old religion and the old ways of living were very strong. Out of this community came a new breed of Cherokee ministers such as Jesse Bushyhead, John Timson, and Kaneeka (John Wickliffe). These native Baptist ministers, fluent in Cherokee and often uneducated in the European sense, fused the evangelical zeal of Baptist preaching, reliance on musical inspiration, and camp-meetings with traditional methods of oratory, song, and brush arbor councils to create a prophetic ministry similar to the "invisible institution." These native ministers preached to a poorer class of Cherokee society who owned little or no slaves and were poorly assimilated into the "dominant culture;" there were great affinities between the Baptist mission to the full-bloods and to the transplanted African. [197] The mission of Evan Jones among the full bloods of North Carolina was to play a critical link in the history of the Cherokee Nation.

The mountains of the Carolinas and Tennessee were settled by a different breed of people than those who settled in the lowlands where slavery was adopted as an institution and social and economic lives were built around it. Many of the frontiersmen were descendants of indentured servitude had little affection for slavery, others were dissenters from Europe fleeing persecution who held strong ties to freedom, equality, and democratic institutions. The highlanders resented their aristocratic brethren from the tidewater areas and saw them as bent upon establishing a political system as oppressive as the ones they had left in Europe. They saw slavery as the cause of their trouble and in the early Southern frontier there was more prejudice against the slaveholder than against the African American. [198]

The Cherokee missions of Western North Carolina found themselves bordered on the West by abolitionist Benjamin Lundy founder of The Manumission Society of Tennessee that purchased slaves and set them free. [199] Lundy belonged to the American Convention of Abolition Society and his abolitionist newspaper The Genius of Universal Emancipation had once employed William Lloyd Garrison. It was the followers of Lundy and other highlander abolitionists that established the "Underground Railroad" running through the Appalachian highlands from Pennsylvania into the deep South. [200] In an ironic note to history, the "Underground Railroad" gets its name from the same limestone caves from which the Cherokee, themselves, came to be known as the "cave dwellers." [201]

On the other side of the Cherokee lay a large population of Quakers. [202] The Quakers helped found the North Carolina Manumission Society, which had over forty branches extending into some of the most populous regions in the state. The society denounced the slave trade, purchased slaves for manumission, and enacted a law that at a certain age all persons should be born free. Between 1824-1826, nearly two thousand slaves were freed in North Carolina. [203] In 1830, the Society published An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery that stated that slavery "is contrary to the plain and simple maxims of the Christian Revelation, or religion of Christ." [204]

Among the Baptists of the highlands, an "Emancipating Baptist" movement began in Kentucky and spread throughout the mountains in the years between 1817-1830. The movement maintained that there was to be no fellowship with slaveholders, but the movement was never to become an organization because of the peculiar nature of Baptist polity. [205] Among the more devout Calvinists of the Scotch-Irish stock, the anti-slavery element tried to prohibit slavery from the State constitution of Kentucky. Eventually, they were defeated in their efforts by the threat of the Alien and Sedition Laws. [206]

In the late 1820's, the abolitionist movement spread within the Cherokee Nation of North Carolina. The Cherokee American Colonization Society formed in 1828 as an auxiliary of the African Colonization Society. [207] Reverend David Brown, a mixed blood preacher, spoke for many Cherokee in 1825 when he said, "There are some Africans among us... they are generally well treated and they much prefer living in the nation as a residence in the United States...The presumption is that the Cherokees will, at no distant date, cooperate with the humane efforts of those who are liberating and sending this prescribed race to the land of their fathers." [208]

There is little doubt that the full-bloods among Evan Jones' missions, who refused to lease mission lands to slaveholders, were exposed to the abolitionist message subsequent to removal. For whatever reason, the number of slaves among the Cherokee in North Carolina in 1835 was less than tenth in number of any surrounding state. [209] Among the fullbloods of the Cherokee Nation, a notion of what it meant to be a member of the Cherokee Nation was developing and it was clearly one that was not based upon the European concept of race.

A Land of Their Own

In 1827, the Cherokee people took what it considered its final steps towards "civilization" by the establishment of a constitution, a bicameral legislature, a judicial system, and an electoral process that elected John Ross as principal chief. [210] This Constitution, however, was shaped by the progressives and displayed their interests in pursuing the course of civilization based upon the economic institution of large scale agricultural plantations worked by African slaves. The Cherokee Constitution, in deciding what it meant to be a Cherokee, expressed the following position:

No person shall be eligible to a seat in the General Council but a free Cherokee male citizen who shall have attained to the age of twenty-five years; the descendants of Cherokee men by all free women except [of] the African race, whose parents may be or have been living together as man and wife according to the customs and laws of this nation, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of this nation as well as the posterity of Cherokee women by all free men. No person who is of negro or mullatage parentage, either by the father or mother's side shall be eligible to hold any office of profit, honor, or trust under this government. [211]
In a powerful strike against Cherokee culture, a General Council dominated by mixed bloods disenfranchised both women and blacks in the Cherokee Nation. In so doing they set into motion powerful forces among the traditionalists that was to affect Cherokee history for the next fifty years. In the words of some, the Cherokee had finally gotten out from under a "government of petticoats." [212]

The following year, the people of the United States elected Andrew Jackson, noted Indian fighter and slave holder, to the presidency of the United States. Less than a month after his inauguration and in his first message to Congress, Freemason Andrew Jackson set forth his plan for the removal of all of the Southeastern Indian nations to lands west of the Mississippi River. Eleven days after Jackson's message to Congress, the state of Georgia (bolstered by "their man in the White House") nullified all Cherokee laws, prohibited the Cherokee government from meeting, and ordered the arrest of anyone opposing emigration westward. [213] When the Supreme Court of the United States under the leadership of Chief Justice John Marshall (also a Freemason) recognized the sovereignty of the Cherokee Nation, President Andrew Jackson replied, "John Marshall has rendered his decision; now let him enforce it." [214]

In the minds of most of the people of the United States, and especially among those inhabitants of the Southeast, the issues of slavery and removal were indissoluably linked. [215] Among the reasons for removal of the Muskogee, and especially the Seminoles, was the presence of "another class" of citizens of the nation -- the African Americans who posed significant threat to the whites and opportunity for the blacks. [216] Moreover, the presence of missionaries who seemed not only to be preaching a message of equality, but manifesting one in their missions, was a tremendous threat to the institution of chattel slavery. [217] Indicative of the nature of the problem was the attitude of many of the missionaries was that of Sophia Sawyer, when asked in 1832 by the Georgia Guard to remove to African boys from her classroom, replied, "...until the Supreme Court of the United States declares the Cherokee nation to be a part of the State of Georgia I will obey Cherokee laws, which are just laws, not Georgia laws." [218]

The relationship between slavery and removal was not lost upon the Cherokees, though their understanding of the situation was propelled by a different focus. Sawyer reported that following a sermon by Evan Jones on "If Providence does not favor a nation, it cannot prosper," in one of the Valley Towns of North Carolina, a discussion ensued regarding what sins could have turned God's face away from the Cherokee Nation. "God cannot be pleased with slavery," said one of the Cherokees. There followed "some discussion respecting the expediency of setting slaves at liberty." When one of those present noted that freeing the slaves might cause more harm than good, a native Baptist preacher replied, "I never heard tell of any hurt coming from doing right." [219]

In 1835, the movement to free the African slaves that lived in the Cherokee Nation was put into motion by several "influential men" of the nation. They were making arrangements to emancipate the slaves and receive them as Cherokee citizens. The following December, the "treaty party" of the progressive slave-owning Cherokees, signed the Treaty of New Echota that relinquished all lands east of the Mississippi and agreed to migrate to the Cherokee lands beyond the Mississippi. According to Missionary Elizur Butler, the Treaty of New Echota prevented the abolition of slavery within the Cherokee Nation. Though the signers of this treaty were ultimately punished for treason, the impact of this treaty would be disastrous upon Cherokee and African alike for many years. [220]

On the eve of the forced displacement of the Five Civilized tribes, the African-American presence among the Cherokees was estimated by an 1835 Census at approximately ten to fifteen percent of the Nation. [221] Taking into account that free blacks and maroons of outlying communities were seldom counted, we can assume the number to be much higher especially among the Muskogee and Seminole. Tales were used to support the emigration of the Five Nations, "they told em they was hogs runnin' around already barbecued with a knife and fork in their back. Told em cotton growed so tall you had to put little chaps up the stalk to get the top bolls." [222] In spite of this enticement, the traditionalists were reluctant to leave their ancestral homelands.

In the spring of 1838, the removal began for the Cherokee Nation. An African American member of the community described the process:

The weeks that followed General Scott's order to remove the Cherokees were filled with horror and suffering for the unfortunate Cherokees and their slaves. The women and children were driven from their homes, sometimes with blows and close on the heels of the retreating Indians came greedy whites to pillage the Indian's homes, drive off their cattle, horses, and pigs, and they even rifled the graves for any jewelry, or other ornaments that might have been buried with the dead.
The Cherokees, after having been driven from their homes, were divided into detachments of nearly equal size and late in October, 1838, the first detachment started, the others following one by one. The aged, sick and young children rode in the wagons, which carried provisions and bedding, while others went on foot. The trip was made in the dead of winter and many died from exposure from sleet and snow, and all who lived to make this trip, or had parents who made it, will long remember it, as a bitter memory. [223]

A Creek slave, the Patriarch Abraham, relates the story of Creek removal tied to a prophecy,

Yes, sir, i seen the stars many people crowded into de house till dere weight broke de sill. Dey was cryin and hollerin' but the stars didnt hurt nobody...I reckon them stars kept fallin for bout an hour. Folks thought that the end time was comin' and everybody got right after dat.

Back at dat time de country was not settled much and dere was lots of Indians. My grandpappy was a full blooded Indian but i don't know what kind. De Indians was good people but if dey thought you had done `em wrong, dey'd kill you right now. I saw some of dem when dey left dat country. Dey women carried de babies in some sort of sacks, hung down in front of `em, and de men carried some of de bigger chilluns on dey shoulders. dey didnt have no property--jest lived wild in de woods. [224]

The more affluent progressives shipped their slaves ahead of themselves to the western territory:
It was about 1838 that Louis Ross chartered a boat and shipped five hundred slaves from Georgia to Fort Gibson, Indian territory. He said the boat was in the charge of Dan Ross, and that Lewis Ross had come on ahead and had settled on a plantation in saline District, Cherokee nation, Indian Territory, where the present site of Salina is now located.

He said Lewis Ross met the boat with an armed guard of full-blood Indians and ox wagons and took them to his plantation in Saline district. Here a lot of the slaves were sold and a lot of them he kept to the farm and run the salt works, which he later operated. [225]

Resistance among the Cherokees and the slaves was high, many were bound before being brought out. [226] Others never knew what hit them:
Families at dinner were startled by the sudden gleam of bayonets in the doorway and rose up to be driven with blows or oaths along the weary miles of trail that led to the stockade. Men were seized from their fields or going along the road, women were taken from their wheels and children from their play. In many cases, on turning for last look as they crossed the ridge, they saw their home in flames fired by the lawless rabble that followed on the heels of the soldiers. So keen were these outlaws on the scent that in some instances they were driving off the cattle and other stock almost before the soldiers had fairly started their owners in the other direction. Systematic hunts were made by the same men for Indian graves, to rob them of the silver pendants and other valuables deposited with the dead. A Georgia volunteer, afterward a colonel in the Confederate service said: "I fought through the Civil War and have seen men shot to pieces and slaughtered by thousands, but the Cherokee removal was the cruelest work I ever knew." [227]
The Indians, slaves, and white members of the slave nation were rounded up into "concentration camps" [228] where they were kept as "pigs in a sty." [229] Starvation and disease was so rampant among those forcibly marched to the West that missionary Daniel Buttrick said "we are almost becoming familiar with death." [230] A month later he was to say that the government might more mercifully have put to death everyone under a year or over sixty; rather it had chosen "a most expensive and painful way of exterminating these poor people." [231]

Without a doubt, the Trail of Tears fell hardest upon those thousand African Americans were forced to march, many without shoes, through the dead of winter into Oklahoma. [232] The newspaper reports of the time detailed a "peaceful and deathless trek of the Cherokees," [233] but missionary Elizur Butler estimated conservatively that over 4600 Native Americans and African Americans died on that nine-month march. More recent estimates put the number of deaths at nearly 8,000 people who died as a more or less direct result of the Cherokee Trail of Tears. [234] An estimate of the number of African Americans who died on the Cherokee Trail of Tears could be as much as one-fourth of those who made the trek west.

Among the Muskogee and Seminoles where not only were relationships with Africans quite deep but where Africans played prominent roles in their society, the question of removal was very serious. The Africans among the Southern Indians knew that they were the property of men from whom they, or their ancestors, had fled, that the burden of proof lay upon them, and that their losing to the United States government meant they would become the property of whoever claimed them. [235] In 1836, simultaneous wars were initiated by the United States government to remove the Muskogee and their relative the Seminoles from their lands in the deep South. The process was not completed until the commitment of nearly forty thousand troops, ten years, forty million dollars, and fifteen hundred soldiers lives later. [236] The removal of the Muskogees, Seminoles, and their African counterparts was the costliest war in American history until the Civil War.

Let us make no mistake about the nature of this endeavor. As General Jessup, the leader of the campaign stated it in 1836, "This, you may be assured, is a negro, not an Indian war: and if it be not speedily put down, the South will feel the effects of it on their slave population before the end of the next season." [237] Joshua Giddings saw the war in a similar light; the Second Seminole War was "on our part had not been commenced for the attainment of any high or noble purpose...Our national influence and military power had been put forth to reenslave our fellow men: to transform immortal beings into chattels; and to make them to property of slave holders; to oppose the rights of human nature; and the legitimate fruits of this policy were gathered in a plentiful harvest of crime, bloodshed, and individual suffering." [238]

The Indians were led in their resistance by the same Afro-Indian leaders who had fled deep into Florida to escape from slavery: Jim-Boy, Gopher John, The Negro Abraham, Cudjo, Wild Cat, and many others led the Indians in their struggle for resistance. Those leaders of the Muskogee and Seminole such as Opothle Yahola, Micanopy, and Osceola (Asi Yahola) were religious leaders who had deep ties to the African American communities in their presence. [239] In the Spring of 1837, General Jessup reasserted his position, "Throughout my operations I found the Negroes the most active and determined warriors; and during the conference with the Indian chiefs I ascertained that they exercised almost controlling influence over them." [240]

To solve the problem, General Jessup set about to divide and conquer; he offered to free the slaves who would separate from the Indians and allow them to move to the west en masse. He wrote to John Horse, "to whom, and to their people, I promised freedom and protection on their separating from the Indians and surrendering." [241] Black emancipation and removal had become the policy of the United States Army. Jessup refused to return the African slaves to their owners in the South, they would be sent to the West as part of the Seminole Nation. [242] Though many Africans surrendered and the Seminoles followed suit, the struggle to remove the last of the exiles from Florida went on for many years.

As they were proceeding west upon the trail watered by their own tears and sanctified by the many gravestones of their children and elders, many of the Muskogee Indians began to sing the spiritual "We are going home." [243] The words "We are going home to our homes and land; there is one who is above and ever watches over us" rang true to those nurtured in a Christian religion birthed in the cauldron of oppression. It also rang true to those traditionalists among the Muskogee who believed that they emerged from caves in the West and came east to settle in the Southeast. [244]

The Cherokee route to Oklahoma was blazed by African Americans, "my grandparents were helped and protected by very faithful Negro slaves who...went ahead of the wagons and killed any wild beast who came along." [245] In spite of the fact that they were given the responsibility to guard with "axes and guns" the caravans at night, few of the slaves made their escape. The entire maroon community from among the Seminoles was granted freedom by the United States government and relocated among the Creeks and the Cherokee. [246] However, what for the Cherokee became known as "the trail where we cried" [247] was for the Africans amidst the Cherokee Nation an exodus. [248] Large numbers of slaves and free Africans fled with the Cherokee and the other southern nations to Indian Territory; they realized that as rough as life on the trail could be, there could be no life for them in what was their adopted homeland. By the outbreak of the Civil War, the African American population within the Cherokee Nation would amount to about twenty percent of the nation. [249]

The missionaries would be with the Cherokee through the struggle in the homelands, the concentration camps, and the agony of the journey; they would also be with many of the Cherokee at their deaths. A revival swept through the camps [250] as they were gathering to face this awful journey:

Brethren Wickliffe and Oganaya, and a great number of the members of the church in the valley Towns, fell upon Fort Butler, seven miles from the mission. They never relaxed from their evangelical labors, but preached constantly in the fort. They had church meetings, received ten members, and one Sabbath, June 17, by permission of the officer in command, went down to the river and baptized them (five males and females). They were guarded to the river and back. Some whites present affirm it to have been the most solemn and impressive religious service they ever witnessed. [251]
Contingencies heading west were led by the ministers Evan Jones, Jesse Bushyhead, and Stephen Foreman of the American Board; the records of the Trail of Tears show that along the way the churches themselves were allowed to congregate and express their faith. Reverend Jesse Bushyhead expressed his thanks that were able "to continue, amidst the toil and sufferings of the journey, their accustomed religious services;" [252] he described worship amidst the travail:
There were 66 members of the church in the Baptist connection in the detachment. Out of this number, we selected two brethren to keep up regular worship during our travel; to wit Tsusuwala, and Foster, who has lately joined the Baptist Church, quite an active and useful man. These two brethren performed the duty enjoined on them by the brethren, faithfully. They frequently held prayer meetings, and exhorted the brethren on evenings during the week, and on every Lord's day, except that one time we traveled five miles, to get forage for our teams...
On the 3rd of February, three members were received by the church, and were baptized, and on the 10th, we collected together, in the midst of our camps, and surrounded the Lord's table. The brethren and sisters apparently enjoyed the presence of God. Several came forward for prayer. In the many deaths which have taken place on the road, several of the members of the church were called from time to eternity, and some evidently died in the full triumph of faith. [253]
We can rest assured that whenever faces gathered around the campfire, there were Africans there to serve as spiritual guides into the wilderness. When there were dances to celebrate, lost children to mourn, or seasons passing to be marked, there were Africans present. In addition, we must never forget that on the "trail where we cried," there were also African tears.


[1] Carter G. Woodson, "The Beginnings of Miscegenation of the Whites and Blacks" Journal of Negro History 3 (1918): 342.

[2] Woodson, 343.

[3] Carter G. Woodson, "The Relations of Negroes and Indians in Massachusetts" Journal of Negro History 5 (1920): 45.

[4] Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1909), 126.

[5] William G. McLoughlin, "Red, White, and Black in the Ante-bellum South," in The Cherokee Ghost Dance: Essays on the Southeastern Indians (Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1984), 147.

[6] James B. Thacher, Christopher Columbus, Volume III (New York, 1903), 379.

[7] Ivan Van Sertima, They Came Before Columbus (New York: Random House, 1976), 57-67.

[8] Carl Waldman, Atlas of the North American Indian (New York: Facts on File Publications, 1985), 72. See also Leo Wiener, Africa and the Discovery of America (Philadelphia, 1920); Jack Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993); Ivan Van Sertima, They Came Before Columbus (New York: Random House, 1976); Michael Bradley, Dawn Voyage (Toronto: Summerhill Press, 1987).

[9] Reader's Digest, Mysteries of the Ancient Americas: The New World Before Columbus (Pleasantville, N.Y.: Reader's Digest Association, 1986), 132.

[10] Leo Wiener, Africa and the Discovery of America (Philadelphia, 1920), 263-270.

[11] Reader's Digest, 10-17.

[12] J. Leitch Wright, Creeks and Seminoles (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 77.

[13] The Kituwhan linguistic group of the Cherokee grew up in and around the temple mound cultures of Nikwasi and Kituwah near Franklin and Bryson City, N.C. Cherokee legend has it that these mounds were built by the ancestors of the ancient Ani-kituwhagi, the original nucleus of the Cherokee Nation. (James Mooney, "Myths of the Cherokees" (Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1900), 395-396). Janey Hendrix, in her work "Redbird Smith and the Nighthawk Keetoowahs," stresses the influence of the Natchez culture on the Keetoowah Society. (Janey Hendrix "Redbird Smith and The Nighthawk Keetoowahs." Journal of Cherokee Studies 8 (Fall, 1983): 24). According to Keetoowah legend, the Cherokees lived somewhere east of South America on islands in the Atlantic Ocean before they migrated to the Southeastern United States. (Howard Tyner, "The Keetoowah Society in Cherokee History" (Masters Thesis, University of Tulsa, 1949, 27). These citations are listed not as historical imperatives, but to suggest possibilities.

[14] "Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca," Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543 (New York, 1907), 55 -126. See also Kenneth Wiggins Porter, "Relations Between Negroes and Indians Within the Present United States," Journal of Negro History 17 ( Number 3, 1932): 289.

[15] Edward Gaylord Bourne, Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto, 2 Vols. (New York, 1922), 1:72.

[16] R.R. Wright, "Negro Companions of the Spanish Explorers," American Anthropologist 4 (1902): 217-28.

[17] Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States: 1513-1561, (New York: Bolton and Ross, 1905), 162.

[18] Lowery, 169.

[19] Bourne, 60, 94-9, 103-105.

[20] J.B. Davis, "Indian Territory in 1878," Chronicles of Oklahoma IV (1926): 264.

[21] Rudi Halliburton, Red Over Black: Black Slavery Among the Cherokee Indians (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1977), 6.

[22] Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1909), 141

[23] Almon Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the United States (New York: Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1933), 27.

[24] John Reed, A Law of Blood: The Primitive Law of the Cherokee Nation, (New York: New York University Press, 1970), 187-188; Fred Gearing, "Priests and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the Eighteenth Century," American Anthropologist 64: No. 5, Part 2, October 1965, 26; Almon Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the United States (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1933), 40; Richard Satler, "Muskogee and Cherokee Women's Status" in Laura Klein and Lillian Ackerman, Women and Power in Native America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 222; Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986), 36; Wilma Mankiller and Michael Wallis, Mankiller: A Chief and Her People (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 207.

[25] It is interesting at this point to note that the first Cherokee woman to own an African slave was Nancy Ward, an historic Ghigau or Beloved Woman of the Cherokee of member of the Council. In the battle of Taliwa against the Muskogee in 1755, her husband Kingfisher was killed in battle. Ghigau picked up her husband's rifle and fought the opponents so fiercely that she was appointed to the war council. As a reward for her valor, she was awarded an African captured in battle from among the Creeks. She became "the first slaveholder among the Cherokee," and is also credited with becoming the first to own cattle and make butter after being taught how to do so by Mrs. Bean, a white atsi nahtsa'i. ( J.B. Davis, "Slavery in the Cherokee Nation" Chronicles of Oklahoma 11, no. 4 (December 1933), 1057)

[26] Theda Perdue, Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society 1540-1866 (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1979), 12-18.

[27] Tom Hatley, The Dividing Path: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Revolutionary Era ( New York; Oxford University Press, 1995), 233.

[28] William McLoughlin, The Cherokee Ghost Dance, 260-265.

[29]Perdue, 36.

[30] Kenneth W. Porter, Relations Between Negroes and Indians Within the Present United States (Washington, D.C.: The Association for Negro Life and History, 1931), 16.

[31] Aristotle quoted in Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America (New York: Harper and Row, 1984), 152. See also James Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indian (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970).

[32] Juan Gines de Sepulveda, Democritus Alter (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Instituto Francisco de Vitoria, 1984), 33.

[33] Bartholomeo de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians (Dekalb: Northern University Press, 1974), 5.

[34] Las Casas, 6.

[35] For an excellent discussion of this issue, see Louis Ruchamps, "The Sources of Racial Thought in Colonial America" in The Journal of Negro History 52 (1967): 251-273.

[36] Martin Luther used the Bible to justify slavery; Sir Thomas More included slavery in his Utopia (John Howard Lawson, The Hidden Heritage (New York, 1950) 102, 116-117, 172). See also David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Society, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966); Louis B. Wright, Religion and Empire: The Alliance between Piety and Commerce in English Expansionism, 1558-1625 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943).

[37] Daniel P. Mannix and Malcolm Cowley, Black Cargoes: A History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1523-1865 (New York: 1962), 22.

[38] Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,1975), 6.

[39] See Almon Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the United States (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1933); Barbara Olexer, The Enslavement of the American Indian (Monroe, N.Y.: Library Research Associates, 1982); J. Leitch Wright, The Only Land They Knew:The Tragic Story of the American Indian in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981); Jack Weatherford, Native Roots: How the Indians Enriched America (New York: Crown Publishers, 1991); Patrick Minges, Evangelism and Enslavement: Catholic and Protestant Missions to the Native Americans (Unpublished Manuscript, 1992).

[40] Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1909), 128-130.

[41] Peter Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: W. W. Norton Company, 1974), 39.

[42] Lauber, 39.

[43] Washington, 129.

[44] Gary Nash, Red,White and Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice Hall, 1974), 130.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Nash, 132.

[47] Carl Waldman and Molly Braun, Atlas of the American Indian (New York: Facts on File Publications, 1985), 104.

[48]William Anews quoted in Olexer, 172.

[49]Waldman, 105.

[50] H.T. Malone, Cherokees of the Old South:A People in Transition (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1956), 20.

[51] Mooney, 32.

[52] Ibid.

[53] Lauber, 136.

[54] Waldman, 105.

[55] Interestingly enough, these twenty Africans brought into the United States were part of a plan by Virginian, Sir Edwin Sandys to finance a fledgling school for Indians named William and Mary. Whenever Native American children in the Carolinas and Virginia were seized as captives of war, they were sent to William and Mary. The irony that African slaves were first brought to the United States by the English to finance a school for Indian slaves is quite striking indeed.

[56] Indian slaves were considered to be "sullen, insubordinate, and short lived," A.B. Hart quoted in Sanford Wilson, "Indian Slavery in the South Carolina Region," Journal of Negro History 22 (1935), 440. The article further describes Native American slaves as "not of such robust and strong bodies, as to lift great burdens, and endure labor and slavish work." Native Americans were not without some commercial value. They were often seized throughout the South and taken to the slave markets and traded at an exchange rate of two for one for African Americans. An interesting spin on the story comes from Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois who, even in agreement with the positions stated above, stated that "The Indian refused to submit to bondage and to learn the white man's ways. The result is that the greater portion of the American Indians have disappeared, the greater portion of those who remain are not civilized. The Negro, wiser and more enduring than the Indian, patiently endured slavery; and contact with the white man has given him a civilization vastly superior to that of the Indian." (Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois, The Negro in the South: His Economic Progress in Relation to His Moral and Religious Development (Philadelphia, George W. Jacobs and Company, 1907) 14.) Professor Washington reiterates this point by quoting Dr. John Spencer, who in discussing the collapse of indentured servitude and Indian slavery, stated "In each case it was survival of the fittest. Both Indian slavery and white servitude were to go down before the black man's superior endurance, docility, and labour capacity." (Dr. John Spencer quoted in Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1909) 113).

[57] George Washington Williams, History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens (New York: The Knickerbocker Press, 1882), 123-180.

[58] David Brion Davis, 176.

[59] Booker T. Washington in The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery describes it thus: "During all this time, for a hundred years or maybe more, the Indian and the Negro worked side by side as slaves. In all the laws and regulations of the Colonial days, the same rule which applied to the Indian was also applied to the Negro slaves...In all other regulations that were made in the earlier days for the control of the slaves, mention is invariably made of the Indian as well as the Negro." (130).

[60]J. Leitch Wright. The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the American Indian in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981), 258.

[61] Wood, 39.

[62] John Norris, quoted in Verner Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 1928), 113.

[63] Melville Herskovits, The American Negro: A Study in Crossing (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1928), 3-15; For excellent surveys and discussions of this phenomenon, see: Kenneth W. Porter, Relations Between Negroes and Indians Within the Present United State (Washington, D.C.: The Association for Negro Life and History, 1931); J.Leitch Wright, The Only Land They Knew:The Tragic Story of the American Indian in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981); Jack Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Urbana:University of Illinois Press,1993); Laurence Foster, Negro-Indian Relations in the Southeast (Philadelphia, n.p. 1935); Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery Vol 1. (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1909), 125-143. Professor Washington notes as prominent African American/ native American mixed-blood Frederick Douglas, Paul Cuffee, and Crispus Attucks (132).

[64] The Chickamagua towns, who spoke the Kituwhan dialect, were composed of those Cherokees who had fled west from the encroaching Virginians and established five new towns on the western border with the Creek Nation. These towns were noted for their racial diversity and openness to people of all nationality. They were seen as being "ethnically open in a way that the older [Cherokee] towns were not." (Tom Hatley, The Dividing Path: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Revolutionary Era ( New York; Oxford University Press, 1995) 225).

[65] Galphintown was named for George Galphin, a mixed blood who was a prominent Indian trader in the Creek Nation and Indian Agent for the First Continental Congress. Galphin extensively utilized African Americans as scouts, translators and laborers in his trade with the Nations of the Southeastern United States. Galphin at one point or another in his life had a number of African American and Native American wives and a number of his children were of mixed blood. One of George Galphin's sons, Jesse Galphin, was a member of the "Negro Baptist Church at Silver Bluff" (Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 81) and went on to form an independent African Baptist Church in Augusta, Georgia. Another Native American member of the Silver Bluff Baptist Church, Henry Francis, founded an independent African Baptist Church in Savannah. George Galphin was an associate of Alexander McGillivray and William Augustus Bowles, mixed blood leaders of the Creek Nation and prominent Native American Freemasons. Both McGillivray and Bowles had extensive dealings and even family relations with African Americans and maroons of the Creek and Seminole Nation. For further information, see J. Leitch Wright, Creeks and Seminoles (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986); James Melvin Washington, Frustrated Fellowship, the Black Baptist Quest for Social Power (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1986); Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt : the Muskogees' Struggle for a New World (Boston : Beacon Press, 1991); Angie Debo, The Road to Disapearance (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941);William R. Denslow, Freemasonry and the American Indian (St Louis: Missouri Lodge of Research, 1956).

[66] Wood, 99.

[67] John Curdman Hurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States (Boston, 1858-1862, Vol. 1), 303.

[68] William Willis, "Anthropology and Negroes on the Southern Colonial Frontier," in James Curtis and Lewis Gould, eds., The Black Experience in America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970), 47-48.

[69] Quoted in William S. Willis, Jr., "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast," Journal of Negro History 48 (1963): 165; Robert Meriwether, The Expansion of South Carolina (Kingsport Tennessee: Southern Publishers, 1940), 6.

[70] John Stuart quoted in William S. Willis, Jr., "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast," Journal of Negro History 48 (1963): 161.

[71] Ibid., 162.

[72] John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of American Negroes (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1947), 86; Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our History (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1922), 187-193.

[73] Herbert Aptheker, "Maroons within the Present Limits of the United States" Journal of Negro History 24 (1939): 167-184.

[74] J. Leitch Wright, The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the American Indian in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981), 278; Lauber, 119.

[75] S.C. Journal of Council, July 9, 1759, C.O., 5/474/536.

[76] Aptheker, 169.

[77] Thomas Jefferson, quoted in Theda Perdue, "Indians in Southern History" in Frederick E. Hoxie, ed., Indians in American History (Arlington Heights, IL: Newberry Library, 1988), 140.

[78] James Glen, quoted in Willis, "Divide and Rule: Red, White, and Black in the Southeast," 165.

[79] Wood, 116.

[80] Woodson, 344.

[81] Laurence Hauptman, Between Two Fires: American Indians and the Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1995), 3. See also Gerald Sider, Lumbee Indian Histories: Race, Ethnicity, and Indian Identity in the Southern United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993); John Hope Franklin, The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943).

[82] Kenneth Wiggins Porter, "Negroes on the Southern Frontier, 1670-1763, " Journal of Negro History 27 (1942): 57-58.

[83] The Catawba were particularly noted for their capabilities as slave catchers. In 1765, the Governor of South Carolina sent the Catawba after a group of fugitive slaves in the mountains. This vigorous maroon colony in the Blue Ridge Mountains was harassed by the Catawba "partly by the Terror of their name, their diligence, and their singular sagacity in pursuing Enemies through such Thickets" (Laurence Hauptman, Between Two Fires: American Indians and the Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1995), 89). The Cherokee consistently refused to negotiate contracts and treaties with whites which required them to return runaway slaves, and even when they did sign them, they refused to live up to the agreement. The headman at Nuquasee in negotiating with the English, stated: "This small rope we show you is all we have to bind our slaves with, and may be broken, but you have iron chains for yours; however if we catch your slaves, we shall bind them as we can, and deliver them to our friends again, and have no pay for it." (Quoted in Crane, Southern Frontier, 300)

[84] Quoted in David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), 181.

[85] Onitositah (Corn Tassel) quoted in Lee Miller, ed. From the Heart: Voices of the American Indian (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995), 131.

[86] John Marrant, A Narrative of the Life of John Marrant, of New York, in North America With [an] account of the conversion of the king of the Cherokees and his daughter (London: C.J. Farncombe, n.d), 8.

[87] Marrant, 18.

[88] During the time that Marrant lived among the Southern nations, these same nations were often in intense conflicts with the English colonists of the Carolinas. These nations sided with the British in the Revolutionary and were very much involved with Tory intrigue in the Carolinas. It is interesting that Marrant, a colonist, was allowed to move so freely among these people who were at war with the colonials.

[89] Marrant, 20-23.

[90] See John Marrant, A Narrative of the Life of John Marrant, of New York, in North America With [an] account of the conversion of the king of the Cherokees and his daughter (London: C.J. Farncombe, n.d.); Arthur Schomburg, "Two Negro Missionaries to the American Indians, John Marrant and John Stewart" The Journal of Negro History, v. xxi, n.1, January, 1936; Henry Louis Gates, "Writing Race and the Difference it Makes" Critical Inquiry, V 12, n1, 1985; Henry Louis Gates, "The Blackness of Blackness - A Critique of the Sign and the Signifying Monkey," Critical Inquiry, v. 9, n4, 1983; Rafia Zafar, "Capturing the Captivity: African Americans among the Puritans" The Journal of the Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States (Vol. 17 no. 2, 1991-1992 Summer): 19-35; Benilde Montgomery, "Recapturing John Marrant" in Frank Shuffleton, ed., A Mixed Race: Ethnicity in Early America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 105-15.

[91] Interestingly enough, Marrant did not fight with the colonials in the Revolutionary War. He joined with the British, as did the Cherokee, and fought with the Royal Navy in the siege of Charleston. (Schomburg, 397)

[92] Prince Hall, Peter Bess, and others. "To the Honorable Council and House of representatives for the State of Massachusetts Bay, in General Court assembled, January 13, 1777." in A.G. Clark, Jr., Clark's History of Prince Hall Freemasonry 1775-1945 (Des Moines: United Grand Lodge of Iowa, F. & A.M,1947), 22.

[93] William Muraskin, Middle Class Blacks in a White Society: Prince Hall Freemasonry in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 32-35.

[94] The struggle for the recognition of African American Freemasons as legitimate Freemasons is an ongoing struggle. An example is this quote from a North Carolina Freemasonic periodical from 1994."Our basic Masonic beliefs and practices of tolerance and the Brotherhood of man under the Fatherhood of God are not always practiced. Excluding people solely because of race is morally indefensible...If good men ask, then we should help them regardless of race. Our code has no racial barriers...The Brotherhood of man under the Fatherhood of God is our reason for existence." North Carolina Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons, "As We Enter the 21st Century: Race and Freemasonry, " in The North Carolina Mason, (Raleigh, N.C.: North Carolina Grand Lodge,1994).

[95] Washington, The Story of the Negro, 151.

[96] See Harry E. Davis, A History of Freemasonry Among Negroes in America (N.Y.: United Supreme Council, Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite Freemasonry, Northern Jurisdiction, U.S.A., 1946); Harry Williamson, Prince Hall Primer (N.Y.: n.p. , 1946); Martin Delaney, The Origins and Objects of Ancient Freemasonry, Its Introduction into the United States and Legitimacy among Colored Men (Pittsburgh, n.p., 1853); William Muraskin, Middle Class Blacks in a White Society: Prince Hall Freemasonry in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); Loretta J. Williams, Black Freemasonry and Middle-class Realities (Columbia : University of Missouri Press, 1980).

[97] Patrick Minges, Freemasons in the Civil Rights Movement (unpublished manuscript, 1986); North Carolina Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons, "As We Enter the 21st Century: Race and Freemasonry, " in The North Carolina Mason, (Raleigh, N.C.: North Carolina Grand Lodge,1994).

[98] Washington, The Story of the Negro, 129; Williams, History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880: Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens, 173-174.

[99] Carter G. Woodson, "The Relations of Negroes and Indians in Massachusetts," Journal of Negro History 5 (1920): 45-57.

[100] Franklin, 108.

[101] Franklin, 106.

[102] Phyllis Wheatley in Edwin Gaustad, A Documentary History of Religion in America to the Civil War (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdman's Company, 1993), 253

[103] "Trade and Intercourse Act, March 30, 1802" in Francis Paul Prucha, Documents of United States Indian Policy Second Edition (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1990), 19.

[104] Joy Bilharz, "The Changing Status of Seneca Women" in Laura Klein and Lillian Ackerman, Women and Power in Native America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 103; Richard Satler, "Muskogee and Cherokee Women's Status" in Laura Klein and Lillian Ackerman, Women and Power in Native America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 223. It is important to note that this distinction is much less evident among the Native American Nations of the Southeast than it is for their Northern counterparts. Southern men did play a greater role in agriculture than did the men of other nations.

[105] Mankiller, 19.

[106] R. Pierce Beaver,Church, State, and the American Indians (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1966), 53-83; R. Douglas Hunt, Indian Agriculture in America (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1987), 33.

[107] Hunt, 96.

[108] American State Papers: Indian Affairs, Vols. I and II, Documents, Legislative and Executive of the Congress of the United States, Walter Lowrie, Walter S. Franklin, and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, eds., (Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton, 1832,1834), Vol. I, 123-125.

[109] Bilharz, 108; Allen, 32; Mankiller, 19; Perdue, 50.

[110]American State Papers: Indian Affairs, Vols. I and II, Documents, Legislative and Executive of the Congress of the United States, Walter Lowrie, Walter S. Franklin, and Matthew St. Clair Clarke, eds., (Washington, D.C.: Gales and Seaton, 1832,1834), Vol. I, 53.

[111] Ibid.

[112] Thomas Jefferson quoted in Joseph Parsons, "Civilizing the Indians of the Old Northwest, 1800-1810," Indiana Magazine of History 56 (Sept. 1960): 202.

[113] Michael Roethler, "Negro Slavery among the Cherokee Indians, 1540-1866" (Ph.D. diss., Fordham University, 1964), 32.

[114] Robert Berkhofer, Salvation and the Savage: An Analysis of Protestant Missions and American Indian Response 1787-1862 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1965), 73-74; Henry Warner Bowden, American Indians and Christian Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981) 174-176; Hunt, 101.

[115] William G. McLoughlin, "Indian Slaveholders and Presbyterian Missionaries 1837-1861," Church History 42 (December 1973): 535-551; Perdue, 98, 120; William G. McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, 1789-1839 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 48; Halliburton, 25. This is not to say that the practice of African slavery did not exist prior to this time for records presented by Halliburton and Perdue give evidence that it surely did. The presence of the practice of slave-catching and slave possession is quite different from the institution of African slavery and the use of chattel slavery as a primary tool of agricultural practice. It was only the "civilization" programs of Washington and Jefferson that led to the growth of plantation economies based on the institution of African slavery.

[116] Charles Whipple, Relation of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to Slavery (Boston: R.F. Wallcut, 1861), 88.

[117] "Report of the Journey of the Brethren Abraham Steiner and Frederick C. De Schweinitz to the Cherokees and the Cumberland Settlements" in Samuel Cole Williams, Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800 (Johnson City, n.p., 1928), 490.

[118] In fact the first recorded worship service to be held by missionaries was held for the slaves of James Vann in his home by the Moravian missionary Abraham Steiner. (Edmund Schwarze, History of the Moravian Indian Missions among the Southern Indian Tribes of the United States (Bethlehem, PA.: Times Publishing Co., 1923), 63 ff.).

[119] William G. McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, 49.

[120] There is some debate whether James Madison is a Freemason or not. He is credited with being so and Allen Roberts in his Freemasonry in American History (Richmond: Macoy Publishing and Masonic Supply Company, 1985) states that he was a Freemason. However, there is little evidence to prove so.

[121] Ross and Jackson were both Freemasons from the State of Tennessee.

[122] R. Pierce Beaver, Church, State, and the American Indians (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1966), 68.

[123] Beaver, 76.

[124] Halliburton, 22-24.

[125] William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 71.

[126] Wilma Mankiller and Michael Wallis, Mankiller: A Chief and Her People (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993), 78. See also Theda Perdue, "Indians in Southern History" in Frederick E. Hoxie, ed. Indians in American History (Arlington Heights, IL: Newberry Library, 1988); H. T. Malone, Cherokees of the Old South:A People in Transition (Athens: Univ. Of GA. Press, 1956); William Gerald McLoughlin, Champions of the Cherokees: Evan and John B. Jones (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990); William Gerald McLoughlin, After the Trail of Tears: the Cherokees' Struggle for Sovereignty, 1839-1880 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); William Gerald McLoughlin and Walter H. Conser, The Cherokees and Christianity, 1794-1870: Essays on Acculturation and Cultural Persistence (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994); Lewis C. Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southeastern United States (New York, 1933).

[127] William Bartram, Travels through North & South Carolina, Georgia, East & West Florida, the Cherokee country, the extensive territories of the Muscogulges, or Creek confederacy, and the country of the Chactaws; containing an account of the soil and natural productions of those regions, together with observations on the manners of the Indians (Philadelphia: James & Johnson,1791), 20.

[128] Charles Whipple, Relation of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to Slavery (Boston: R.F. Wallcut, 1861), 98; see also Robert T. Lewit, The Conflict of Evangelical and Humanitarian Ideals: A Case Study (Masters thesis, Harvard University, 1959), 35-53.

[129] Robert Walker, Torchlight to the Cherokees (New York: The MacMillan Co, 1931), 86-87.

[130] Lewit, 102; see also Halliburton, 28.

[131] McLoughlin, The Cherokee Ghost Dance: Essays on the Southeastern Indians, 257.

[132] Lewit, 97.

[133]William McLoughlin, "Red, White, and Black in the Antebellum South" in American Quarterly 26 (1974): 367- 385.

[134] McLoughlin, American Quarterly, 372

[135] Selah B. Treat, "Report to the Commissioners of the American Board for Foreign and Christian Missions, 1848" in Charles Whipple, Relation of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to Slavery (Boston: R.F. Wallcut, 1861), 97.

[136] Perdue, 121.

[137] Mankiller and Wallis, 123. See also William Gerald McLoughlin, Champions of the Cherokees: Evan and John B. Jones (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990); William Gerald McLoughlin, After the Trail of Tears: the Cherokees' Struggle for Sovereignty, 1839-1880 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); William G. McLoughlin and Walter H. Conser, The Cherokees and Christianity, 1794-1870: Essays on Acculturation and Cultural Persistence (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994); William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).

[138] Many of the traditional leaders of the Native Americans were Freemasons. Tecumseh, a Shawnee prophet who reportedly "was made a Mason while on a visit to Philadelphia," was the leader of a Pan-Indian movement to resist white encroachment in the late eighteenth century. Alexander McGillivray, a mixed blood leader of the Muskogee, and Joseph Brant, a mixed blood leader of the Mohawk, were skilled political leaders who set European colonists against one another in order to protect and preserve traditional interests in early America. Brant was reportedly America's first Native American Freemason when he was raised by an English Grand Lodge (much the same as Prince Hall); McGillivray's lodge membership was not know but he was buried with a Masonic funeral. Red Jacket, famous orator of the Seneca and leader of the traditionalist resistance among the Iroquois, was a Freemason who reportedly encouraged the Seneca to reject William Morgan when he sought refuge among them. Red Jacket's grandnephew, General Ely S. Parker, was General U.S. Grant's Adjutant and drew up the conditions of surrender at Appomatox. Robert E. Lee, thinking Parker was an African-American , refused to meet with Grant until the matter was cleared up. William Augustus Bowles, leader of a Creek/Seminole/African-American resistance movement in Florida, was also a Freemason having been raised in the Bahamas. Pushmataha, a Choctaw leader who encouraged friendship with the whites and resisted Tecumseh, was also a Freemason. (William R Denslow, Freemasonry and the American Indian (St Louis: Missouri Lodge of Research, 1956) ).

[139] Bill Gilbert, God Gave Us this Country: Tekamthi and the First American Civil War (New York , Anchor Books, 1989), 218-221; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 148-190. See also Joel W. Martin, Sacred Revolt : the Muskogees' Struggle for a New World (Boston : Beacon Press, 1991); Wilma Mankiller and Michael Wallis, Mankiller: A Chief and Her People (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993; Joshua Giddings, The exiles of Florida: or, The crimes committed by our government against the Maroons, who fled from South Carolina and other slave states, seeking protection under Spanish laws (Columbus, Ohio: Follett, Foster and Company, 1858); Kevin Mulroy, Freedom on the Border (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 1993); J. Leitch Wright, Creeks and Seminoles (Lincoln: University. of Nebraska Press, 1986); Daniel Littlefield, Africans and Seminoles (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977); Daniel Littlefield, The Cherokee freedmen: from Emancipation to American Citizenship (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978); Daniel Littlefield, Africans and Creeks: from the Colonial Period to the Civil War (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979); Theda Perdue, Slavery and the Evolution of Cherokee Society 1540-1866 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1979).

[140] Joel Martin, Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees Struggle for a New World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 73.

[141] Wood, 260. Christian Pryber, Jesuit sojourner among the Cherokee from 1736-1743 described a "kingdom of paradise" among the Cherokee people, especially located in the Cherokee capital of Tellico and among the Chickamagua Cherokees. Welcome in this paradise were all runaway slaves, African as well as Native American and "all others who would fly thither Justice or their Masters." Though modern historians give credit to Pryber for initiating a vision of a modern "utopia," it is more likely that he was simply describing Cherokee society as it existed during this period. See also Verner F. Crane "The Lost Utopia on the American Frontier." Sewanee Review, XXVII (1919): 48; Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our History, 187-189; Hatley, 55.

[142] Giddings, 4.

[143] Roethler, 36-40.

[144] Kevin Mulroy, Freedom on the Border (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 1993), 7; See also Angie Debo, The Road to Disappearance (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1941).

[145] Kenneth W. Porter, Relations Between Negroes and Indians Within the Present United States (Washington, D.C.: The Association for Negro Life and History, 1931, 40. See also Woodson, The Negro in Our History, 189-198; Imari Obadele, New African state-building in North America: a Study of Reaction under the Stress of Conquest (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1985).

[146] Kevin Mulroy, Freedom on the Border (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press), 1993.

[147] It is important to note that many Muskogees and Seminoles referred to their African brethren as their "slaves" to protect them from white slaveholders who sought their return. In addition, there was some social status acquired by owning slaves, even though the Muskogees and Seminoles had little need for slave labor because they did not adopt plantation style agriculture as did the northern nations of the Five Civilized Tribes.

[148] Martin, 73; J. Leitch Wright, 73-99; Debo, The Road to Disappearance, 115. See also Daniel Littlefield, Africans and Seminoles (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977); Daniel Littlefield, Africans and Creeks: from the colonial period to the Civil War (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979).

[149] Mulroy, 19.

[150] Wiley Thompson to Lewis Cass, April 27,1835 in National Archives Microfilm Publications, Microcopy M234, Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881.

[151] John L. Williams, The Territory of Florida, rpt. ed. (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1962 [1837]), 239.

[152] Francis Le Jau quoted in Mulroy, 74.

[153] Martin,75; Wright, The Only Land They Knew, 265.

[154] Wood, Black Majority, 298-301.

[155] Martin, 73.

[156] J. Leitch Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 190.

[157] Kenneth Wiggins Porter, The Negro on the American Frontier (New York: N.Y. Times with Grove Press, 1971), 241.

[158] Vincent Harding, There is a River: The Black Struggle for freedom in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich Publishers, 1981), 100-111.

[159] Giddings, 44-45.

[160] Foster, 24.

[161] McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, 48; Perdue, 89; McLoughlin, Champions of the Cherokees, 21; Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 223; Eighth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston: Crocker and Brewster,1818), 16; Ninth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston, Crocker and Brewster, 1819), 19.

[162] Edward Freeman, The Epoch of Negro Baptists and The Foreign Missions Boards [ National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc] (Kansas City: The National Seminary Press, 1953), 10.

[163] Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 1701-1892 (London: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 1893), 12.

[164] Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 16-17.

[165] "Brainerd Journal" April 20, 1817, February 12, 1818, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982).

[166] The positive attitude of the Cherokees toward African-American missionaries could be related to the fact that the first missionary among the Cherokee was a black Methodist, John Marrant. Marrant's mission in 1740, in which he converted the "king" of the Cherokees, is considered among he most successful missionary enterprise among the Cherokee. According to Michael Roethler, "It is only natural that the Cherokees should judge the value of Christianity by the Character of the people who professed it...The Cherokees had no reason to suspect the religion of this Negro preacher." (Roethler,126)

[167] Melville Herskovitz, "Social History of the Negro," A Handbook of Social Psychology (Worcester, J. Clark Press, 1935), 256.

[168] James Mooney, "The Cherokee River Cult," The Journal of American Folklore 13 (January-March 1900): 48.

[169] Sarah Tuttle, Letters from the Chickasaw and Osage Missions, (n.p., 1921), 9-10.

[170] Chickamagua Journal quoted in H.T. Malone, Cherokees of the Old South: A People in Transition (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1956), 142.

[171] Wright, The Only Land They Knew, 248-290.

[172] Lucinda Davis in Works Progress Administration: Oklahoma Writers Project, Slave Narratives (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932) 58.

[173] Preston Kyles in Works Progress Administration: Arkansas Writers Project, Slave Narratives (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932) 220.

[174] Jack Campbell in George Rawick, ed. The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1972), 92.

[175] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 95.

[176] bell hooks, "Revolutionary Renegades: Native Americans, African Americans, and Black Indians" in Black Looks: Race and Representation (Boston: South End Press, 1992), 183.

[177] Kiziah Love in Works Progress Administration: Oklahoma Writers Project, Slave Narratives (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932), 196.

[178] Freeman, 29.

[179] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 81; Kathryn E. Holland Braund, Deerskins and Duffels: Creek-Indian Trade with Anglo-America, 1685-1815 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 46.

[180] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 81.

[181] Freeman, 30-33.

[182] Among the Native Americans of Southeastern Virginia from whence David George fled, there was a very strong Aframerindian community. Thomas Jefferson noted that among the Mattaponies, there was "more negro than Indian blood in them." The Gingaskin, Nottoway, and Pamunkeys were often asserted to be more Black than Indian. (Porter, Relations, 314). In a later period, many of the Powhatans were suspected of being in league with Nat Turner and supporting his runaways following the insurrection of 1831. Many of the Powhatan Indians served the Union forces of the Civil War during guerilla activities in Southeastern Virginia. (Lawrence Hauptmann, Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1995), 66-73).

[183] Mechal Sobel, Trabelin On: The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist Faith, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 105.

[184] Schomburg, 398.

[185] Freeman, 27.

[186] Albert Raboteau, Slave religion : the "invisible institution" in the Antebellum South (New York : Oxford University Press, 1978), 142.

[187] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 81.

[188] Letter of Andrew Bryan to Reverend Doctor Rippon in Milton Sernett, ed., Afro-American Religious History: A Documentary Witness (Durham: Duke University Press, 1985), 49.

[189] Irene Blocker in Rawick, 189.

[190] Raleigh Wilson, Negro and Indian Relations 1865-1907 (Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 1949), 22.

[191] House Reports, No. 30, 39th Congress, 1st Session, Washington, 1867, Pt. IV, Vol. II, 162.

[192] Nellie Johnson in Works Progress Administration: Oklahoma Writers Project, Slave Narratives (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932), 157.

[193] Oklahoma Historical Society, Indian-Pioneer History, Vol. 108: 213 .

[194] Cherokee Chief Yonaguska, upon reading chapters of Matthew in Cherokee commented, "well, it seems to be a good book- strange that the white people are not better, after having had it so long." Yonaguska quoted in Douglas Right, The American Indian in North Carolina [Second Printing](Winston-Salem: John F. Blair, 1987), 204.

[195] Cudjo quoted in Perdue, 106; For an excellent description of the diversity of Cherokee society prior to removal, see William G. McLoughlin, Cherokee Renascence in the New Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 343-349.

[196] Malone, 108-11

[197] McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, 160-161. It is sad to note the blindness of many authors to the multiracial makeup of the "slave community." In extensive works on slave religion such as Albert Raboteau's Slave religion : the "invisible institution" in the Antebellum South (New York : Oxford University Press, 1978), Lawrence Levine's Black Culture and Black Consciousness (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), or Eugene Genovese's Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974), the presence of African American/Native American cultural intermixture is ignored. It is even more glaring when someone like Michel Sobel, whose Trabelin' On: The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist Faith (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979) ignored Native Americans, writes The World They Made Together: Black and White Values in Eighteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987) as if there was no other presence in Virginia. This ignorance might be excusable if they groundwork for such multiethnic explorations had not been laid by Carter G. Woodson, John Hope Franklin, James Hugo Johnston, Henry Wiggins Porter, and Daniel Littlefield. It is also important at this point no just to mention Indian/Black affinities, but to stress the unifying nature of folk religion in the Old South. For excellent articles, see Avery Cravern "Poor Whites and Negroes in the Antebellum South" in The Journal of Negro History XV (No. 1, January, 1930): 14-25; Newbell N. Puckett, "Religious Folk Beliefs of Whites and Negroes," in The Journal of Negro History XVI (No. 1, January, 1931): 9-35.

[198] Carter G. Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America" in The Journal of Negro History I (No. 1, January, 1916): 142.

[199] Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," 145.

[200] Ibid.

[201] Mooney, 183. The name for Cherokee meaning "cave dwellers" comes from the Choctaw word chiluk. If we think of "cave dwellers" within the contexts of a religion based upon the temple mound culture, it provides us with an interesting etymology. It is also interesting to consider briefly the irony of African Americans fleeing slavery hiding out in what amounts to temple mounds. It would prove fascinating were it to be discovered that a temple mound were actually a station on the underground railroad.

[202] Quakers in North Carolina were able to convince many slave owners and planters in North Carolina not only to turn over their slaves to the American Colonization Society but to pay for their transit to Liberia. In his work The American Colonization Society: 1817-1840, Early Fox states, "So efficient were the North Carolina Quakers in their cooperation with the Society, that they alone seemed able to supply all of the emigrants that could be accommodated with the limited means of the Colonizationists." (Early Lee Fox, The American Colonization Society: 1817-1840,(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1919), 43.)

[203] Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," 143.

[204] "An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery" quoted in Carl Degler, The Other South: Southern Dissenters in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1974), 21. The presence of large numbers of Quakers in North Carolina and Tennessee played a profound role in the development of anti-slavery sentiments. Benjamin Lundy estimated in 1827 that there were 106 anti-slavery societies in the South as compared with 24 in the Northern states. (Degler, 21)

[205] Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," 143.

[206] Woodson, "Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America," 144.

[207] William Chamberlain to Jeremiah Everts, January 8, 1929, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982);. Chamberlain wrote, "I have assisted the black people in Wills Valley in forming themselves into a society called the Wills Valley African Benevolent Society... They have raised ten dollars for the American Colonization Society. Although the society was made up of blacks, there is evidence that the Society was supported by the larger community. See also Cherokee Phoenix (Number 38, October 8, 1838).

[208] American State Papers II, 651

[209] Malone, 118.

[210] Angie Debo, A History of the Indians of the United States (Norman: Univ. of Oklahoma Press,1970), 113.

[211] Cherokee Nation, Laws of the Cherokee Nation adopted by the Council at various periods [1808-1835] : printed for the benefit of the nation (Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation: Cherokee Advocate Office, 1852), 119.

[212] Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions (Boston: Beacon Press, 1986), 36.

[213] Michael Roethler, 135-136.

[214] Andrew Jackson quoted in Grant Foreman, Indian Removal (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), 235.

[215] McLoughlin, Cherokees and Missionaries, 264. The connection was not lost upon later historians, as Carter G. Woodson stated in his The Negro in Our History, "The agitation for the return of the Negro slaves, moreover, was kept up through this period, as a reason for removal, inasmuch as the Indians were disinclined to return fugitive Negroes who had become connected with them by blood." (Carter G. Woodson, The Negro in Our History (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1922), 193).

[216] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 232.

[217] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 226.

[218] Elizur Butler to David Green, March 14, 1832, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982);

[219] Robert Walker, Torchlights to the Cherokees (New York: MacMillan Company,1931), 298-299.

[220] Elizur Butler to David Green, March 5, 1845, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982);.

[221] Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1990), 52.

[222] Lewis Johnson in Works Progress Administration:Arkansas Writers Project, Slave Narratives, (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932), 100.

[223] Eliza Whitmire in Rawick, 380-381.

[224] Patriarch Abraham in Works Progress Administration: Alabama Writers Project, Slave Narratives, (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1932), 1-2.

[225] Eliza Hendrick in Rawick, 137-138.

[226] "Daniel Butrick's Journal," February, 1838, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982);

[227] Mooney, 124.

[228] Foreman, 290; Roethler, 150.

[229] "Daniel Buttrick's Journal," July 1838, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [microform]. (Woodbridge, Conn. : Research Publications, 1982);

[230] Ibid.

[231] Buttrick, August 1838.

[232] Roethler, 150.

[233] Buttrick, March 1838.

[234] Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press,1990), 118.

[235] Porter, Relations, 50-51.

[236] Perdue, "Indians in Southern History," 149.

[237] Executive Documents, 25th Congress, 2nd Session, 1837-1838, (Vol iii, no. 78):52

[238] Giddings, 119.

[239] Many reports state the cause of the Second Seminole War was the seizure of Osceola's African wife by merchants who sought to sell her back into slavery. Opothoyohela was to go on to lead a Maroon community in their flight from the Creek Nation to Kansas during the Civil War.

[240] Executive Documents, 25th Congress, 3rd Session, 1838, (No. 225): 51.

[241] Jessup quoted in Mulroy, 31.

[242] Ibid.

[243] Mary Hill interview, Oklahoma Historical Society, Indian-Pioneer History (Vol. 5): 106-107.

[244] Wright, Creeks and Seminoles, 283.

[245] Nathaniel Willis interview, Oklahoma Historical Society, Indian-Pioneer Papers (Vol. 50): 117.

[246] Mulroy, 33; Grant Foreman, Indian removal: the emigration of the five civilized tribes of Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), 265-275.

[247] Mankiller, 46.

[248] J.M. Gaskins, History of Black Baptists in Oklahoma, (Oklahoma City: Messenger Press, 1992), 84 ; Kenneth W. Porter, "Negroes on the Southern Frontier." Journal of Negro History 33 (1948): 53-78; Jimmie Lewis Franklin, The Blacks of Oklahoma (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980), 2; See also Arthur L. Tolson, Black Oklahomans: A History 1541-1972( New Orleans: 1974); Eugene Richards, "Trends of Negro Life in Oklahoma as Reflected by Census Reports" in Journal of Negro History 33 (1948): 38-52; Kay M. Teall, ed. Black History in Oklahoma: A Resource Book (Oklahoma City, OK: 1971); Eugene Coke Routh, The Story of Oklahoma Baptists. (Oklahoma City: Baptist General Convention, 1932); William Loren Katz, Black Indians: a Hidden Heritage, (New York: Atheneum, 1986); William Loren Katz, The Negro on the American frontier ( New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1971); John Boles, ed., Black Southerners, 1619-1869 (Lexington, Ky. : University Press of Kentucky, c1983); Daniel Littlefield, The Cherokee freedmen: from emancipation to American citizenship. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978).

[249] Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,1990), 89.

[250] Evan Jones reports that one hundred and seventy people were converted during the revivals in the concentration camps and one hundred and thirty were baptised into the church upon their arrival in Indian Territory. "Report of Evan Jones" in American Baptist Missionary Union Annual Report, 1841, 51.

[251] Letter from Rev. Evan Jones, in Baptist Missionary Magazine, XVIII, 236.

[252] Jesse Bushyhead, quoted in Foreman, Indian Removal, 103.

[253] Jesse Bushyhead quoted in Carl Coke Rister, Baptist Missions among the American Indians (Atlanta: Southern Baptist Church Home Mission Board, 1944), 77.

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Beneath the Underdog
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